DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA
VOLUME I
PREFACE
OF THE AMERICAN EDITOR.
THE present publication has been made to conform as nearly as possible to the twelfth edition of the original work, the latest which appeared at Paris under the direct supervision of the author. De Tocqueville appended to this edition, published in 1850, his essay, written three years before, for the Academy of the Moral and Political Sciences, on Democracy in Switzerland; a full report of his remarkable Speech in the Chamber of Deputies predicting the Revolution of 1848 just a month before its occurrence; and a feeling and eloquent Advertisement, addressed to his countrymen, pointing them to the example of the United States, and urging the study of American institutions as affording the most instructive lessons for the organization and conduct of the new French republic. These three additions are here for the first time translated, both because they have an intimate connection with the body of the work, and because they reflect much light upon the character and opinions of the writer towards the close of his life. The first of them is specially interesting to American readers, as it contains an able analysis and criticism of the republican institutions of Switzerland, illustrated by frequent comparison with the constitutions and laws of the American republics.
The writerâs confidence in the ultimate success and peaceful establishment of democracy, as the controlling principle in the government of all nations, seems to have been not only not impaired, but strengthened, in the latter part of his life, by the observations which he continued to make of the trial that it was undergoing in the United States, and of the progress and prosperity of this country in the years subsequent to the first publication of his great work. And if his life had been spared to witness the terrible ordeal to which the providence of God is now subjecting us, it may confidently be believed that this trust on his part would not have been shaken, even if he should have been compelled to admit, that the Federal tie which once bound our large family of democratic States together would probably never be reunited. He would clearly have seen, what most of the politicians of Europe seem at present incapable of perceiving, that it is not representative democracy, but the Federal principle, which is now on trial, and that the only question is, whether any bond is strong enough to hold together a confederacy so populous and extensive as to form in the aggregate the largest and most powerful empire that the world has ever known. He who would attempt to make up his own opinion on this great question can find no better guide than in the present work. De Tocqueville is the friend, but by no means the indiscriminate eulogist, of American institutions; and his criticisms, which are shrewd and searching, ought to be even more welcome than his commendations, for they are more instructive. He foresaw, if not the immmence, at least the probability, of the great convulsion which the country is now undergoing; and there can be no clearer indication of the causes which have at last induced it, than that which was made by this wise and impartial foreigner nearly thirty years ago.
The notes which I have made, though somewhat numerous, are generally very brief. They are notes, and not disquisitions, my object being only to elucidate or correct the text, and not to controvert or supplement it by foisting my own opinions upon the readerâs notice. Most of them are only corrections of slight errors on points of detail, such as a stranger who made but a short stay in the country could not be expected to avoid, or notices that some statements now require to be limited or modified, in consequence of the changes that have taken place during the last quarter of a century. An outline sketch of De Tocquevilleâs life is designed only to satisfy curiosity as to the chief points in his career, without entering into any analysis of his character and labors. Those who seek further information can obtain it from the Memoirs and Correspondence that have recently been published by his life-long friend, M. de Beaumont.
In accepting an invitation to become the editor of this work, I supposed that it would only be necessary for me to translate the new matter that had been appended to the recent editions of the original, and to supply such brief annotations as a careful revision of the text might show to be necessary. It was intended to furnish an exact reprint of the English translation, which passed to a second edition in London, a year ago, under the respectable name of Mr. Henry Reeve. But a comparison of it with the original was hardly begun, before I found to my dismay that this translation was utterly inadequate and untrustworthy. As a pretty thorough exposure of its demerits has recently been made in an English periodical, where there can be no suspicion of an unfavorable bias, I can have no scruple in speaking of it as it deserves. It is generally feeble, inelegant, and verbose, and too often obscure and incorrect. On comparing every line of it with the original, the alterations which were found to be necessary were so numerous and sweeping, that perhaps the present edition, of the first volume at least, might more fitly be called a new translation than an amended one. The second volume, I ought to say, is somewhat better done; as it was published several years after the appearance of the first, forming in fact a distinct work, the translator had found time to increase his familiarity with the French language, and even to make some progress in his knowledge of English.
This is plain speaking, and I feel bound to vindicate it, by offering some specimens of the translation, both in its primitive and its amended state. The following extracts are taken almost at random from the body of the book, and the original is prefixed to facilitate the labor of comparison. The citations are all from the first volume, and the references for Mr. Reeveâs translation are to the second London edition, Longmans, 1862.
Des hommes sacrifient Ă une opinion religieuse leurs amis, leur famille et leur patrie; on peut les croire absorbĂ©s dans la poursuite de ce bien intellectuel quâils sont venus acheter Ă si haut prix. On les voit cependant rechercher dâune ardeur presque Ă©gale les richesses matĂ©rielles et les jouissances morales, le ciel dans lâautre monde, le bien-ĂȘtre et la libertĂ© dans celui ci. Sous leur main les principes politiques, les lois et les institutions humaines semblent choses mallĂ©ables, qui peuvent se tourner et se combiner Ă volontĂ© Devant eux sâabaissent les barriĂšres qui emprisonnaient la sociĂ©tĂ© au sein de laquelle ils sont nĂ©s; les vieilles opinions, qui depuis des siĂšcles dirigeaient le monde, sâĂ©vanouissent; une carriĂšre presque sans bornes, un champ sans horizon se dĂ©couvre: lâesprit humain sây prĂ©cipite; il les parcourt en tous sens; mais, arrivĂ© aux limites du monde politique, il sâarrĂȘte de lui-mĂȘme; il dĂ©pose en tremblant lâusage de ses plus redoutables facultĂ©s; il abjure le doute; il renonce au besoin dâinnover; il sâabstient mĂȘme de soulever le voile du sanctuaire; il sâincline avec respect devant des vĂ©ritĂ©s quâil admet sans les discuter. â p. 52.
REEVEâS TRANSLATION. | REVISED TRANSLATION. |
It might be imagined that men who sacrificed their friends, their family, and their native land to a religious conviction, were absorbed in the pursuit of the intellectual advantages which they purchased at so dear a rate. The energy, however, with which they strove for the acquirement of wealth, moral enjoyment, and the comforts as well as liberties of the world, is scarcely inferior to that with which they devoted themselves to Heaven. Political principles, and all human laws and institutions were moulded and altered at their pleasure; the barriers of the society in which they were born were broken down before them; the old principles which had governed the world for ages were no more; a path without a term, and a field without an horizon were opened to the exploring and ardent curiosity of man: but at the limits of the political world he checks his researches, he discreetly lays aside the use of his most formidable faculties, he no longer consents to doubt or to innovate, but carefully abstaining from raising the curtain of the sanctuary, he yields with submissive respect to truths which he will not discuss. â p. 33. | One would think that men who had sacrificed their friends, their family, and their native land to a religious conviction would be wholly absorbed in the pursuit of the treasure which they had just purchased at so high a price. And yet we find them seeking with nearly equal zeal for material wealth and moral good, â for well-being and freedom on earth, and salvation in heaven. They moulded and altered at pleasure all political principles, and all human laws and institutions; they broke down the barriers of the society in which they were born; they disregarded the old principles which had governed the world for ages; a career without bounds, a field without a horizon, was opened before them: they precipitate themselves into it, and traverse it in every direction. But, having reached the limits of the political world, they stop of their own accord, and lay aside with awe the use of their most formidable faculties; they no longer doubt or innovate; they abstain from raising even the veil of the sanctuary, and bow with submissive respect before truths which they admit without discussion. â p. 54. |
Chez les petites nations, lâĆil de la sociĂ©tĂ© pĂ©nĂštre partout; lâesprit dâamĂ©lioration descend jusque dans les moindres dĂ©tails: lâambition du peuple Ă©tant fort tempĂ©rĂ©e par sa faiblesse, ses efforts et ses ressources se tournent presque entiĂšrement vers son bien-ĂȘtre intĂ©rieur, et ne sont point sujets Ă se dissiper en vaine fumĂ©e de gloire. De plus, les facultĂ©s de chacun y Ă©tant gĂ©nĂ©ralement bornĂ©es, les dĂ©sirs le sont Ă©galement. La mĂ©diocritĂ© des fortunes y rend les conditions Ă peu prĂšs Ă©gales; les mĆurs y ont une allure simple et paisible. Ainsi, Ă tout prendre et en faisant Ă©tat des divers degrĂ©s de moralitĂ© et de lumiĂšre, on rencontre ordinairement chez les petites nations plus dâaisance, de population et de tranquillitĂ© que chez les grandes.â p. 190.
REEVEâS TRANSLATION. | REVISED TRANSLATION. |
In small nations the scrutiny of society penetrates into every part, and the spirit of improvement enters into the most trifling details; as the ambition of the people is necessarily checked by its weakness, all the efforts and resources of the citizens are turned to the internal benefit of the community, and are not likely to evaporate in the fleeting breath of glory. The desires of every individual are limited, because extraordinary faculties are rarely to be met with. The gifts of an equal fortune render the various conditions of life uniform; and the manners of the inhabitants are orderly and simple. Thus, if one estimate the gradations of popular morality and enlightenment, we shall generally find that in small nations there are more persons in easy circumstances, a more numerous population, and a more tranquil state of society, than in great empires. â p. 176. | In small states, the watchfulness of society penetrates into every part, and the spirit of improvement enters into the smallest details; the ambition of the people being necessarily checked by its weakness, all the efforts and resources of the citizens are turned to the internal well-being of the community, and are not likely to evaporate in the fleeting breath of glory. The powers of every individual being generally limited, his desires are proportionally small. Mediocrity of fortune makes the various conditions of life nearly equal, and the manners of the inhabitants are orderly and simple. Thus, all things considered, and allowance being made for the various degrees of morality and enlightenment, we shall generally find in small nations more ease, population, and tranquillity than in large ones. â p. 202. |
On ne rencontrera jamais, quoi quâon fasse, de vĂ©ritable puissance parmi les hommes, que dans le concours libre des volontĂ©s. Or, il nây a au monde que le patriotisme, ou la religion, qui puisse faire marcher pendant longtemps vers un mĂȘme but lâuniversalitĂ© des citoyens.
Il ne dĂ©pend pas des lois de ranimer des croyances qui sâĂ©teignent; mais il dĂ©pend des lois dâintĂ©resser les hommes aux destinĂ©es de leur pays. Il dĂ©pend des lois de rĂ©veiller et de diriger cet instinct vague de la patrie qui nâabandonne jamais le cĆur de lâhomme, et, en le liant aux pensĂ©es, aux passions, aux habitudes de chaque jour, dâen faire un sentiment rĂ©flĂ©chi et durable. Et quâon ne dise point quâil est trop tard pour le tenter; les nations ne vieillissent point de la mĂȘme maniĂšre que les hommes. Chaque gĂ©nĂ©ration qui naĂźt dans leur sein est comme un peuple nouveau qui vient sâoffrir Ă la main du lĂ©gislateur. â pp. 113, 114.
REEVEâS TRANSLATION. | REVISED TRANSLATION. |
Whatever exertions may be made, no true power can be founded among men which does not depend upon the free union of their inclinations; and patriotism or religion are the only two motives in the world which can permanently direct the whole of a body politic to one end. Laws cannot succeed in rekindling the ardor of an extinguished faith; but men may be interested in the fate of their country by the laws. By this influence, the vague impulse of patriotism, which never abandons the human heart, may be directed and revived; and if it be connected with the thoughts, the passions, and the daily habits of life, it may be consolidated into a durable and rational sentiment. Let it not be said that the time for the experiment is already past; for the old age of nations is not like the old age of men, and every fresh generation is a new people ready for the care of the legislator. â p. 95. | Do what you may, there is no true power among men except in the free union of their will; and patriotism or religion are the only two motives in the world which can long unge all the people towards the same end. Laws cannot rekindle an extinguished faith; but men may be interested by the laws in the fate of their country. It depends upon the laws to awaken and direct the vague impulse of patriotism, which never abandons the human heart; and if it be connected with the thoughts, the passions, and the daily habits of life, it may be consolidated into a durable and rational sentiment. Let it not be said that it is too late to make the experiment; for nations do not grow old as men do, and every fresh generation is a new people ready for the care of the legislator. â p. 118. |
La commune, prise en masse et par rapport au gouvernement central, nâest quâun individu comme un autre, auquel sâapplique la thĂ©orie que je viens dâindiquer.
La libertĂ© communale dĂ©coule done, aux Ătats-Unis, du dogme mĂȘme de la souverainetĂ© du peuple; toutes les rĂ©publiques amĂ©ricaines ont plus ou moins reconnu cette indĂ©pendance; mais chez les peuples de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, les circonstances en ont particuliĂšrement favorisĂ© le dĂ©veloppe ment.
Dans cette partie de lâUnion, la vie politique a pris naissance au sein mĂȘme des communes; on pourrait presque dire quâĂ son origine chacune dâelles Ă©tait une nation indĂ©pendante. Lorsque ensuite les rois dâAngleterre rĂ©clamĂšrent leur part de la souverainetĂ©, ils se bornĂšrent Ă prendre la puissance centrale. Ils laissĂšrent la commune dans lâĂ©tat oĂč ils la trouvĂšrent; maintenant les communes de la Nouvelle-Angleterre sont sujettes; mais dans le principe elles ne lâĂ©taient point ou lâĂ©taient Ă peine. Elles nâont done pas reçu leurs pouvoirs; ce sont elles au contraire qui semblent sâĂȘtre des-saissies, en faveur de lâĂtat, dâune portion de leur indĂ©pendance: distinction importante, et qui doit rester prĂ©sente Ă lâesprit du lecteur.
Les communes ne sont en gĂ©nĂ©ral soumises Ă lâĂtat que quand il sâagit dâun intĂ©rĂȘt que jâappellerai social, câest-Ă -dire quâelles partagent avec dâautres. Pour tout ce qui nâa rapport quâĂ elles seules, les communes sont restĂ©es des corps indĂ©pendants; et parmi les habitants de la Nouvelle-Angleterre, il ne sâen rencontre aucun, je pense, qui reconnaisse au gouvernement de lâĂtat le droit dâintervenir dans la direction des intĂ©rĂȘts purement communaux.
On voit done les communes de la Nouvelle-Angleterre vendre et acheter, attaquer et se dĂ©fendre devant les tribunaux, charger leur budget ou le dĂ©grever, sans quâaucune autoritĂ© administrative quelconque songe Ă sây opposer.
Quant aux devoirs sociaux, elles sont tenues dây satisfaire. Ainsi, lâĂtat a-t-il besoin dâargent, la commune nâest pas libre de lui accorder ou de lui refuser son concours. LâEtat veut-il ouvrir une route, la commune nâest pas maĂźtresse de lui fermer son territoire. Fait-il un rĂ©glement de police, la commune doit lâexĂ©cuter. Veut-il organiser lâinstruction sur un plan uniforme dans toute lâĂ©tendue du pays, la commune est tenue de crĂ©er les Ă©coles voulues par la loi. â pp. 77, 78.
REEVEâS TRANSLATION. | REVISED TRANSLATION. |
The township, taken as a whole, and in relation to the government of the country, may be looked upon as an individual to whom the theory I have just alluded to is applied, Municipal independence is therefore a natural consequence of the principle of the sovereignty of the people in the United States: all the American republics recognize it more or less; but circumstances have peculiarly favored its growth in New England. In this part of the Union, the imp... |