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LIFE ON THE EDGE
āIāll call you back, the madam is comingā
āSudanese housemaid
The women of Saudi Arabia have been the topic of much media rumour and intrigue over recent decades. But what has drawn less attention is that not all women in the Kingdom are Saudi. According to official statistics, more than a third of the countryās 33 million inhabitants are non-nationals. Some come to work; others are born and raised in Saudi society. Few will ever truly call it home.
From the early days of the Kingdom, as the young country worked to regularise state machinery and its citizenry, there have been tales of civil servants offering passport appointments to people on the streets. The only conditions being that the applicants, or their fathers, had lived on the peninsula since before 1932. Later, as oil wealth flowed into the country, so did migrants, and as a Saudi passport rapidly became a much more desirable document, the door to citizenship swung firmly shut.
Naturalisation can now only be achieved through a points system, and applications are reviewed on an individual basis by the Ministry of Interior. In order to qualify for consideration, candidates must have spent a minimum of ten years in the country and have converted to Islam. Points are then awarded for level of education, number of years spent in the Kingdom, and heritage. A Saudi father earns you three points; a Saudi mother, only two.
The huge social value attributed to the paternal line means that for one section of society, even being born of a Saudi womb is no guarantee of a homeland. Increased participation in international scholarships and in the workplace has led to a new phenomenon: Saudi women who take foreign husbands. It is reported that the number of women with non-Saudi spouses now sits at close to three quarters of a million.
But before a āmixedā marriage can be approved, the bride must sign a document acknowledging that the children born of this union will not have an automatic right to Saudi citizenship. This means that should a mother die, her childrenās right to remain in the land of their birth is no longer guaranteed.
āA Saudi woman canāt marry a non-Saudi man until sheās twenty-five ā not without a lot of bureaucracy and going through the courts. I find it so insulting; the idea is, once youāre over twenty-five, youāve clearly been left on the shelf, so you canāt have the privilege of marrying a Saudi man.ā
āMALAK, student
Even as adults, these individuals must maintain a sponsor and a valid residency visa, like any other foreign worker. They will not automatically receive the paid university education, international scholarships or positive employment discrimination afforded to their maternal cousins.
The arguments against recognising these children as Saudi nationals are rarely consistent. Some claim the divided loyalties of such children pose a threat to national security; others that they will create competition in the labour market; it has even been posited that these individuals ā and not the millions of foreign workers that the country relies upon ā will place an unbearable strain on the Kingdomās water supplies.
Women who have been affected by the legislation have been quick to point out that no such panic seems to ensue when a man chooses a foreign bride. If born in the country, the offspring of these marriages are granted Saudi citizenship at birth.
The root of the objection, then, might more honestly be found in a sense of betrayal that women are choosing partners from outside the fold, and a fear that the time-honoured Saudi custom of tracing oneās tribal ancestry through the paternal line may ultimately be laid to rest.
The debate has roared over social media for several years, bringing it into the mainstream consciousness and prompting many sympathisers, both female and male, to push for a more equal system. In 2017, the Shura Council finally agreed to review the issue; current proposals look towards granting nationality to such children, once they turn eighteen.
In addition to easing the struggles faced by those individuals who find themselves foreigners in their own land, such a change would also go a long way to proving what the state insists is already true: that womenās citizenship holds just as much weight as a manās.
For other women born in the Kingdom, any form of citizenship is still a distant dream.
In every Saudi city, women like Maram (see here) hide in plain sight. They work, without papers, as cooks and cleaners, or set up stalls on the edges of souqs selling home-cooked meals and offering ornate henna tattoos. Like undocumented migrants in many countries, these women inhabit an underprivileged sector of society which largely survives hand to mouth.
Their poverty and vulnerability is magnified by their lack of access to basic services. Without passports or residency visas, obtaining medical care, opening a bank account or even purchasing a mobile phone become near-impossible tasks.
In theory, all children between the ages of six and sixteen have guaranteed access to schooling. In reality, illiteracy and fear of the authorities prevent many mothers like Maram from taking the steps necessary to enrol their children, perpetuating the cycle to which they have fallen victim. It is the same fear that prevents such women from integrating socially.
āMy husband is a lawyer, you know, but heās had clients ask him where his employer is. Weāre Indian originally, and they just assume heās the driver.ā
āKHULOUD, housewife
Saudis often express pride in the fact that their culture and their faith do not discriminate against race and nationality. But moving through Saudi society, it is hard not to notice the lines of a caste-like hierarchy, with Saudis at the top, skilled Western workers in the middle, and Asian and African immigrants, like Maram, undeniably at the bottom of the chain.
āIām sorry, itās not much; I havenāt had a maid for a month,ā says teacher Huda apologetically as she serves lunch at her home. Casual references to domestic workers pepper womenās conversations. āThis oneās new,ā says student Dalal, her maid still in earshot. āWe had to take her; the neighbours didnāt want her any more and no one knew what to do with her.ā
In the period 2015ā17, Saudi Arabia issued more than 3 million visas for foreign āhouse helpā. A sizeable proportion of these were for men to be employed as private drivers. It is a role that few Saudi men aspire to, and in any case the huge importance attributed to privacy and reputation means most women simply refuse to be driven by a local man who may know her family, or gossip about where she goes and who sheās seeing.
As a consequence, Saudi Arabia is currently home to some 800,000 foreign drivers, mostly of Indian or Pakistani origin. With the removal of the female driving ban, this number is set to decline, although some women will certainly opt to retain their services.
But other household workers ā maids, cooks, nannies and cleaners ā remain in high demand (it is estimated that 89 per cent of Saudi households employ at least one housemaid), and these professions are, almost exclusively, female.
Saudis have a long history of depending on imported domestic labour. Slavery was not formally abolished in the Kingdom until 1962; until then, keeping slaves of African descent was not uncommon in middle- and upper-class households. After the law was changed, all former slaves were offered full Saudi citizenship, and many adopted the tribal names of the families they had served.
āYes, my grandparents had slaves; it was a different time. But slavery wasnāt like what youāve seen in Roots! Some slaves would breastfeed members of the household, just like mothers, and they would live with them like sisters; they were very much a part of the families they lived in.ā
āSUHAILA, philanthropist
But it would appear that the ties between master and servant have never truly been severed. As wealth from the exploitation of oil reserves found its way into household incomes, families were able to replace slaves with paid, imported labour.
For women with broods of ten or more children, and husbands who donāt traditionally contribute to household chores, the employment of domestic help came to be understood more as a necessity than a luxury. Today, homes are constructed with āmaidās quartersā as a standard feature.
The majority of housemaids are sourced from Indonesia, Sri Lanka and the Philippines. These women usually come from economically insecure backgrounds and are often the sole breadwinners of their families. āI came after my husband died,ā says one of Rosamieās colleagues. āI have three kids; they live with my mum now.ā
Women are enticed into positions in Saudi Arabia by agencies in their home countries who offer attractive salaries and a range of benefits, some of which invariably fail to materialise. They are often not qualified for the roles in childcare or cooking to which they are assigned, or prepared for life in a culture that is completely alien to them.
On arrival at the airport, they will pass under the custody of their new employer, their sponsor, who, in the absence of their fathers and husbands, will act as their guardian. What kind of sponsor they will be signed to they have no way of knowing until they are already on Saudi soil.
There are those who undoubtedly live very well in their new homes. Each morning, Norah, a young princess in the capital, stretches and yawns in her polka-dot pyjamas before embracing her maid Marisol in a vice-like bear hug and kissing her face. In student Qamarās house, maid Mini twirls around guests in a āTequila is my spirit animalā T-shirt as she serves coffee, singing and demanding kisses and selfies from her bemused but amiable employers.
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