Negotiating sovereignty and human rights

International society and the International Criminal Court

Sibylle Scheipers

• Publisher: Manchester University Press
• Year: 2013
• Print ISBN:
  9781526116956
  9780719080098
• eBook ISBN:
  9781847797520
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Human Rights
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Negotiating sovereignty and human rights takes the transatlantic conflict over the International Criminal Court as a lens for an enquiry into the normative foundations of international society. The author shows how the way in which actors refer to core norms of the international society such as sovereignty and human rights affect the process and outcome of international negotiations.

The book offers an innovative take on the long-standing debate over sovereignty and human rights in international relations. It goes beyond the simple and sometimes ideological duality of sovereignty versus human rights by showing that sovereignty and human rights are not competing principles in international relations, as is often argued, but complement each other. The way in which the two norms and their relationship are understood lies at the core of actors' broader visions of world order. The author shows how competing interpretations of sovereignty and human rights and the different visions of world order that they imply fed into the transatlantic debate over the ICC and transformed this debate into a conflict over the normative foundations of international society.

1 Introduction

Unless we are prepared to abandon every principle of growth for international law, we cannot deny that our own day has the right to institute customs and to conclude agreements that will themselves become sources of a newer and strengthened international law. International law is not capable of development by the normal processes of legislation, for there is no continuing international legislative authority. Innovations and revisions in international law are brought about by the action of governments such as those I have cited, designed to meet a change in circumstances.¹

There is a tendency in the negotiations, occasionally, to seek to transform human rights principles and prohibitions on state practice into new criminal law principles. But this treaty-making exercise cannot become a law-making exercise. The treaty must reflect what is currently international criminal law, not what we hope or even confidently predict may one day become criminal law.²

The preceding quotes both represent statements by US officials concerning the role of international law and its development or, rather, continuity. The first was made by Justice Robert H. Jackson, chief prosecutor of the United States, in his opening remarks for the Nuremberg Trials in 1945; the second by David Scheffer, US Ambassador at Large for War Crimes issues at that time, with reference to the emerging International Criminal Court (ICC). The difference between the two positions seems to be dramatic at first glance: Jackson envisages international law as a highly dynamic legal field, the development of which is mainly driven by states and their governments. Scheffer, on the contrary, stresses the continuity of international law: international treaties ought to reflect custom but should not create new law.

The gap between these perspectives, however, does not derive from any major change in the political and legal culture in the United States that might have occurred in the second half of the twentieth century. Rather, it derives from the difference between the institutions referred to, namely the Nuremberg Trials and the ICC. The former represented a trial established by the Allies after the defeat of Germany in 1945. It was created to hold to account those individuals who committed major war crimes during World War II. As such, the initiators of the Nuremberg Trial fully controlled the institution they established, thus creating a tribunal based on an asymmetry: those who imposed the trial – the allied states in World War II – at the same time provided the judges, but made sure that their own citizens would not be prosecuted by the tribunal.³

The ICC marks a more ambitious project with regard to the enforcement of international criminal law. The independence of the prosecutor and the Court as such – both from the influences and interests of state parties and from international organisations such as the UN Security Council – was one of the major aims of its sponsors (Broomhall, 2003). Although the ICC is an institution that has been created by states and ultimately relies on state support for the enforcement of international criminal law,⁴ it restricts state power and sovereignty prerogatives to a certain extent. The Rome Statute of the ICC stipulates that the Court does not replace domestic jurisdiction with regard to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, but rather complements it. Cases are admissible to the ICC only if a state ‘is unwilling or unable genuinely to carry out the investigation or prosecution’.⁵ Nonetheless, it is the ICC chief prosecutor who decides if a state fulfilled the juridical requirements of legal prosecution when grave breaches of international criminal law occur. Moreover, the prosecutor can initiate investigations without the prior consent of the state parties or of the UN Security Council. In short, the ICC represents an unprecedented institution in the sense that it entails an ‘intrusion of international criminal law into the otherwise sacrosanct domain of sovereignty’ (Broomhall, 2003: 3). It was exactly this degree of independence of the ICC that gave rise to heated debates during the process of its establishment and eventually caused the US to withdraw from the Court.

During the negotiations at the UN Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries in Rome (DipCon) in 1998, several issues were contested among the participants: first, the definition of crimes within the ICC’s jurisdiction; second, the role and powers of the prosecutor and third, the extent of the Court’s jurisdiction (Economides, 2001; Broomhall, 2003). Each of these contested issues touches upon the question of the role and the independence of the ICC vis-à-vis states on the one hand and the UN Security Council on the other. The US favoured a statute that would strengthen the role of the UN Security Council and the state parties, thereby limiting the independence of the prosecutor. The Like-Minded Group (LMG), to which most EU member states belonged,⁶ on the other hand, endorsed a largely independent Court that would be able to prosecute the defined crimes without relying upon the prior consent of state parties or the UN Security Council (Broomhall, 2003). The Rome Statute, adopted on the 17 July 1998, represents to a certain extent a compromise between these differing standpoints (B. Brown, 2002).

Even though the Rome Statute aimed at accommodating US reservations about the ICC while at the same time preserving the independence of the Court, the US eventually voted against it. It mainly expressed concerns about the lack of due process structures in the design of the ICC and about the possibility of prosecution of US military personnel involved in military missions abroad (Fehl, 2004; B. Brown, 2002; Weller, 2002). Both the Clinton and the Bush administrations made various efforts to exempt US citizens from the ICC’s jurisdiction, although the Bush government took a more openly hostile stance towards the Court (Broomhall, 2003; Weller, 2002). In 2001 the US withdrew from the Preparatory Commission (PrepCom), which was set up after the DipCon and charged with bringing the Court into operation, and ‘unsigned’ the Rome Statute in May 2002, after the number of ratifications of the Rome Statute reached 60 – the number that was necessary for the Statute in order to come into force.⁷ In addition, in 2002 the US Congress adopted the American Servicemembers’ Protection Act (ASPA) that prohibits US cooperation with the ICC. Moreover, it links the provision of US military aid to third states to the conclusion of Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs), which rule out the extradition of US citizens to the ICC. These measures have been tightened by the adoption of the 2004 ‘Nethercutt Amendment’ that links provisions from the US Economic Support Fund (ESF) to the conclusion of BIAs.⁸

Why did the US so fiercely oppose the ICC, thereby isolating itself from the rest of the OECD countries and making itself a target of polemic criticism, given the improbability of a prosecution of US citizens by the ICC? And why was it ultimately unsuccessful in its efforts to shape the Court according to its own preferences?

The realist explanation for the US attitude towards the ICC is as straightforward as it is convincing: hegemonic powers try to use international legal institutions to their own ends, which are – or at least should be – largely dictated by their national interests. They use international law as an instrument to increase their power, but they do not bind themselves through international law in cases where this would entail a restriction of their power (Scott, 2004). With regard to the ICC, this line of reasoning is reflected in the oft-repeated argument that the US plays an exceptional role as a safeguard of global order and security and therefore would be particularly vulnerable to prosecutions of its military personnel.⁹

The liberal institutionalist explanation is similar to the realist argument, except that it takes into account that under certain circumstances international cooperation might entail joint gains. In the case of the ICC these joint gains consist in pursuing the public good of international criminal justice and of lowering the transaction costs incurred in a system of ad hoc tribunals (such as the International Criminal Tribunal for Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR)) (cf. Fehl, 2004). However, liberal institutionalists argue that for major powers, sovereignty costs – the disadvantages that political actors have to bear by trading off parts of their sovereignty for a joint gain – are always higher than for less powerful states (Abbott and Snidal, 2000: 448). This would explain US opposition to the Court. In sum, both realist and liberal institutionalist theories hold that the US did not join the ICC because it does not correspond with their national interest as a major power.

However, these rationalist explanations have difficulty explaining why the US was not more successful in influencing the institutional design of the ICC. Both realists and liberal institutionalists predict that the institutional design of international courts and tribunals will reflect the interests of powerful states (Rudolph, 2001). In particular, this should be the case when powerful states are expected to contribute substantially more to the institution in question than other states. This clearly applied to the US and the ICC, not only with respect to financial contributions, but, more importantly, in terms of the capacity to apprehend suspects and to induce third states to cooperate with the Court. According to Korenemos et al. (2001: 792), lesser states will grant great powers a greater degree of control over an institution so as to ensure their participation and the vital assets and capabilities they are expected to contribute. In the case of the ICC Statute, this did not happen – the LMG and other states pushed for a vote on a Statute that only partly accommodated US concerns although the US threatened to vote against it. The potential costs of this move were obvious to many diplomats at the Rome Conference: ‘We desperately, desperately, desperately want the U.S. on board. We are not sure the Court will even be workable without the U.S.’, said the head of the German delegation, Hans-Peter Kaul, commenting on the final efforts in Rome to persuade the US to support the ICC Statute (quoted in Weschler, 2000: 104).

According to E. H. Carr, ‘[p]olitics and law are indissolubly intertwined’ (1964: 165). Far from reflecting moral standards, he concluded, the law ‘cannot be understood independently of […] the political interests which it serves’ (ibid: 165). While the transatlantic conflict over the ICC confirms the first of Carr’s conclusions (cf. Moghalu, 2008: 126ff.), it defies the second. International law is not a mere instrument of power politics, though it is a site for power struggles. International law is often perceived as a weak legal area because it is not backed up by a central authority and largely lacks routine mechanisms of enforcement (Morgenthau, 1973: 295f.; cf. Bull, 1995: 129ff.). Compliance and enforcement are, however, but one way in which international law affects international relations. Another way in which international law impacts upon international politics is via its constitutive quality. It provides a basic order of international relations in the sense that it constitutes their basic units as well as the relations between them (cf. Reus-Smit, 2004; Finnemore and Toope, 2001: 745). The institution of sovereignty, for instance, defines statehood and at the same time provides a code of conduct among states, that is, non-intervention.¹⁰ International law and its central concepts thus provide a structure that enables political actors to communicate about international politics. At the same time, international legal concepts are not unambiguous. They are to a certain extent open to interpretation and redefinition. In short, they are ‘contested concepts’ (Connolly, 1983; cf. Gallie, 1956).

This book aims to understand the US failure to impose its political preferences on the institutional design of the ICC and the subsequent transatlantic debate over the Court by exploring the discursive dynamic of this conflict. From this perspective, the official statements and explanations of diplomats and negotiators concerning the ICC become the main focus of research, since they are not mere cloaks for power-political objectives – as realists would have it – or signals of actors’ intents under conditions of scarce information – as liberal institutionalists posit. Rather, they are the main site of political power struggles. In fact, the extent to which political actors referred to international norms when justifying their political positions on the ICC is striking. Norms are defined and bound together in complex structures of meaning. By referring to them, political actors become entangled in these structures. Analysing the transatlantic conflict over the ICC from this perspective does not require giving up the concept of actors pursuing certain goals strategically. However, it does require acknowledging that they do so in a discursive space guided by certain intersubjectively shared rules that constitutes actors’ identities and interests in the first place. It also implies a shift in the notion of power: whilst realists and liberal-institutionalists tend to perceive power as something that is at the disposal of actors, this study focuses on a form of power that is incorporated in structures rather than being tied to agents and that has an impact through ‘empowering’ or ‘disempowering’ them (Guzzini, 1993: 472; cf. also Lukes, 2005; Barnett and Duvall, 2005).

The aim of this book is to show that the dynamic of the transatlantic debate over the ICC exceeded the boundaries of a conflict based on material power interests. It developed into a debate about the normative foundations of the international order. The discursive level of the conflict had a decisive impact on the conflict outcome: the inconsistent use of shared norms of the international society, it will be argued, severely undermined US credibility in the eyes of its negotiation counterparts and thus weakened its negotiation position. The normative integration of the international society of states is arguably low, but there are some basic norms to draw upon. In the case of the transatlantic conflict over the ICC the norms of sovereignty and human rights were the most relevant. The ICC is one of the most ambitious projects within the framework of the contemporary international human rights regime. It is designed to adjudicate on a limited though fundamental range of human rights violations; namely genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes.¹¹ At the same time, the establishment of the ICC touches upon the question of state sovereignty, since it affects the relationship between states and their citizens with respect to the prosecution of certain offences. The transatlantic conflict over the ICC evolved around these two norms, sovereignty and human rights. Yet it was not a clash between the two norms that gave rise to the conflict. Rather, it arose from different interpretations of their mutual relationship expressed in different discourses all of which integrated both sovereignty and human rights in a specific way.

Both sovereignty and human rights are core norms of the international society. Hedley Bull’s famous concept of the international society as an ‘anarchical society’ (1995) implies the importance of such norms: as a society amongst states, the international society lacks the concentration of power and authority in the form of a government that could enforce order. Hence shared norms are the only available fundament for its emergence and persistence. The relationship of sovereignty and human rights, however, is often viewed as a strained one: sovereignty is regarded as a principle that gives states exclusive power over their own territory and population, whereas human rights are primarily individual in nature. Moreover, human rights are claimed to be universal, thereby transcending state borders. This constellation has led some to believe that sovereignty and human rights are inherently conflicting principles.¹² Others, by contrast, try to overcome the dichotomy between the two norms by arguing that they are closely related to each other. Their basic argument is that in recent decades, the recognition of a state’s sovereignty has been made increasingly dependent on its adherence to human rights provisions and that this development should be welcomed (Wheeler, 2000; Armstrong, 1999; Barkin, 1998; Vincent, 1986). At the same time, they argue that human rights historically developed into the prevailing principle and that sovereignty acquires merely derivative status (Reus-Smit, 2001).¹³

The theoretical debate about the relationship between sovereignty and human rights is a useful starting point. Yet the aim of the analysis is to investigate the configuration of the two concepts empirically – to analyse how political actors construct the relationship between human rights and sovereignty in political statements and debates. This focus can be described as a ‘practice as theory’ approach, and as a reversal of the paradigm of critical theorising in International Relations (IR) that analyses ‘theory as practice’. ‘Theory as practice’ characterises the paradigmatic challenge of first-generation critical scholarship in IR emerging in the early 1990s. It was based on the assumption that the theoretical concepts of orthodox IR scholarship – the state, sovereignty, security, anarchy, etc. – were not neutral categories used to analyse international politics in an ‘objective’ way. Rather, they structure our knowledge and are thereby constitutive of international relations as we perceive them. This first generation of critical scholarship explored ‘International Relations as a discursive process, a process by which identities are formed, meaning is given, and status and privilege are accorded – a process of knowledge as power’. (George, 1994: 216). The ‘practice as theory’ approach pursued in this book follows the impetus of second generation critical theory to push t...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• List of figures and tables
• Acknowledgements
• Note to the reader
• List of abbreviations
• 1 Introduction
• 2 The configuration of sovereignty and human rights
• 3 The legalistic discourse
• 4 The interventionist discourse
• 5 The sovereigntist discourse
• 6 The progressivist discourse
• 7 Conclusion
• Appendix
• References
• Index