Drugs, Clubs and Young People

Sociological and Public Health Perspectives

Bill Sanders, Bill Sanders

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781317147695
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Psychology
• Subtopic: Social Psychology
• Index: Psychology

In this volume, contributors employ sociological and public health perspectives to offer insights into behaviours common at raves and nightclubs. The volume provides theoretical observations on illicit club drug use and supply, helping to challenge current orthodoxies on the role of drug use within young peoples' lives. Drawing material from the USA, UK and Hong Kong, the volume allows the demystification of stereotypical presentations surrounding young people who attend clubs and/or use club drugs. This work provides a badly needed and objective analysis of youthful drug use, and a foundation from which future sociological and public studies on young people, clubs and drugs - as well as young people themselves - will benefit.

Chapter 1
Young People, Clubs and Drugs1

Bill Sanders

Why study young people, clubs and drugs? A number of social trends have emerged in recent years that are worthy of social science and public health investigations. For one, contemporary clubbing and ‘raving’ are activities that have been and continue to be enjoyed by millions of young people around the world. The behaviors and styles associated with raves and clubs define a new youth culture. Raves and clubs are also important to study because of their relationship with illicit drug use. Youthful drug use in the US, Australia and many countries in Europe has generally increased since the early 1990s, and the popularity of raves and nightclubs amongst young people has paralleled this rise. The terms ‘club drugs’ or ‘dance drugs’ emerged in relation to the apparent ubiquity of illicit substances, mainly ecstasy, used within rave and contemporary club settings. Raves and clubs have also generated a considerable response, particularly in terms of public health initiatives and the law. For instance, national organizations in the US, such as DanceSafe, have been established, in part, to help promote safer clubbing. The Home Office in the UK has published material to these effects as well (e.g. Webster, Goodman & Whalley 2002). Perhaps more profoundly, raves and/or clubs have been threatened at a legal level, such as the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 in the UK and the Illicit Drug Anti-Proliferation Act of 2003 in the US. This introductory chapter explores these incentives to study the intersections of young people, drug use, and clubbing.

A New Youth Culture

Every decade since the post-World War II era has witnessed the rise of ‘spectacular’ youth cultures within Western societies. In the 1950s, ‘greasers’, Teddy Boys, and other rebellious youth listening to rock and roll existed. In the 1960s, the mods, rockers, ‘rudies’ and skinheads emerged. And in the 1970s hippies and punks came to the fore. Each of these youth cultures was somewhat distinguishable in terms of race/ethnicity, socio-economic status, ‘style’, and, of course, age. ‘Style’ here not only refers to the clothes worn, but also drugs used and music preferred. For instance, mods were known to listen to jazz, dress in clean cut, fashionable, perhaps somewhat androgynous attire, ride scooters, and use amphetamines. Alternatively, hippies were known to favor loose fit clothes with ethnic and psychedelic prints, have long or big hair, smoke cannabis and use LSD, and enjoy music with lyrics that promoted peace, love, and social consciousness. However, outside of their overall style (and in some cases ethnicity), spectacular youth cultures have been remarkably similar: fashionably distinct in their time and interpreted by the general population as somewhat ‘outlaw’ youth. Indeed, the application of ‘deviant’ youth cultures to these groups of young people, particularly within the media (and academia), appears primarily due to the ‘different’ way they looked, their use of drugs, and their occasional bouts of violence or protest. Outside of these characteristics, however, scant evidence exists to suggest these young people were remarkably distinct from everyone else. These youth cultures, no doubt, collectively represented something much more profound at the time (e.g. rise of an affluent teenage culture for the mods; equal rights and anti-war movements for the hippies). Nonetheless, youth’s participation within these spectacular cultures was often a temporary phase young people went through who, upon becoming older, blended back in to society desiring the same things as everyone else. In the end, these youth were not much fundamentally different from the general population.2

‘Ravers’ or ‘clubbers’ might be the best way to capture young people part of a cultural phenomenon that commenced in the mid to late 1980s. Essentially, raves are large dance parties characterized by the loud, bass-heavy music played within, such as house, garage, techno, jungle and the many derivatives of such music. Raves were once held in abandoned buildings, warehouses, fields, and other unique venues (Collin & Godfrey 1997; Thornton 1995; Tomlinson 1998; West & Hager 1993). The practice of holding dance parties in such unconventional venues eventually declined, and clubbing3 began to replace raving. In the UK, this shift from raving to clubbing was due to legislature that criminalized unlicensed raves and the growth of a night time economy around established clubbing venues (see Hobbs et al. 2003; Measham 2004c; Reynolds 1997). In the US, by the time the law caught up with quasi-illegal outdoor raves, the practice of raving had largely moved to legitimate venues, burgeoning into commercial enterprise. Reports continue to emerge regarding ‘underground’ raves or those with their original ‘flavor’ in the US and UK,4 for instance, but the practice of raving in general has become commoditized and institutionalized (cf. Thornton 1995). While the ‘vibe’ created by the original raves may be distinct from that in clubs, and others will no doubt attest to how ‘different’ raves of yesteryear are from clubbing today, raves and clubs are remarkably similar. The music and accompanying behaviors once typical at raves are now commonly found at established, regulated nightclubs, or held on occasion at convention centers, stadiums, sports arenas, and similar such venues. In the early years of the 21st century, millions of young people around the world attend clubs or clubbing events on a regular basis. For instance, reports from the UK indicate around four million people each weekend attend nightclubs (Webster, Goodman & Whalley 2002).

Raving and clubbing may be captured as particular youth cultures, not necessarily as youth subcultures (Thornton 1995). ‘Subculture’ may be simply defined as a ‘culture within a culture’, and, as such, capture raving and clubbing fine. However, within the social science literature, the term ‘subculture’ – particularly in relation to young people involved in ‘deviant’ or ‘delinquent’ activities – has been used to suggest a group of individuals with more profound distinctions from individuals within general society. For instance, both the concepts of ‘delinquent subculture’ or ‘subculture of violence’ indicate that people who were ‘part’ of these subcultures not only behaved in ways that differed from most people, but also how such individuals had deep-seated values that were in sharp contrast to everyone else’s (e.g. Cloward & Ohlin 1960; A. Cohen 1955; Wolfgang & Ferracuti 1967). Interview and observational data from several research investigations do not suggest that young people who attend raves and/or clubs are consistent in regards to dress and drug use, nor that these young people – whether they use illicit drugs or not – possess values profoundly distinct from everyone else (cf. Hammersley et al. 1999; Kelly this volume; Measham, Parker & Aldridge 2001; Thornton 1995; Sanders this volume). Other conceptualizations of ‘subculture’ do not capture raving or clubbing well either. For instance, the neo-Marxist ‘magical resistance’ thesis offered by the ‘Birmingham School’ (e.g. Hall & Jefferson 1976) to explain the emergence of ‘deviant’ youth (sub)cultures in post-war UK is too class-based to be applicable to the practice of raving and clubbing, whereas, alternatively, ‘postmodern’ theories of rave as subculture (e.g. Melechi 1993; Rietveld 1993) fail to incorporate social structures and portray young clubbers as hollow caricatures of themselves (see Blackman 2005; Hesmondhalgh 2005). Even the term ‘counterculture’ (Sloan 2001) seems a bit heavy handed when discussing raves and clubs in that it suggests a group with more in difference than in common with the general population. When the night is over, young people who attend raves and/or clubs, in the main, appear to go home, eventually recover from the all the fun, and blend back into mainstream society with relative ease because, essentially, they never left it.

While raving and clubbing fit within the spectrum of previous ‘spectacular’ youth cultures, they remain distinct in several ways. For one, young people from a variety of ethnic/racial and socio-economic backgrounds attend raves and clubs. Race and class may shape the ‘type’ of rave or club attended (e.g. more ‘black’5 young people in attendance during jungle/drum and bass nights (cf. O’Hagan 1999; Sanders this volume); more affluent young people in attendance at clubs with high entry fees; more ‘street youth’ in attendance at ‘underground’ raves), but raving and clubbing in general are activities that transcend such distinctions. The style of ravers and clubbers, generally speaking, is also relatively ambiguous. Unlike the Edwardian suits donned by the Teddy Boys in the 1950s or leather jacket and jeans wardrobe of the rockers in the 1960s, young people who attend raves and clubs do not appropriate a uniform which would easily identify them as being part of a youth culture. When raves first emerged, certain clothing symbols, such as smiley faces, Cat-in-the-Hat large hats, oversized white Mickey Mouse-style gloves, and baby pacifiers (dummies), and general ‘types’ of clothing could be found, including baggy clothing, a ‘retro’ 1970s look, neon and other clothing that illuminated under fluorescent ‘black’ lights were popular and indicated participation in rave culture (e.g. West & Hager 1993). Visual elements of these styles may still be found, and, indeed, such styles have been mentioned in our recent (2005) research on young injection drug users in Los Angeles and New York (Lankenau et al. 2005). Clubbing, however, has become ‘mainstream’ and the fashions of people who attend them generally reflect this (cf. Perrone this volume; Thornton 1995; Sanders this volume). Also, raving and clubbing are distinct from previous youth cultures in the sense that such cultures are not entirely comprised of ‘youth’. While ‘young people’ in their late teens and early twenties clearly dominate this culture, it would not be surprising to see older individuals, including a few well into their thirties and forties, attending raves and/or clubs.

Rave and club cultures are further distinct from previous youth cultures due to the centrality of music. Without music, ‘rave’ and ‘club’ culture do not exist. The music played at raves and clubs acts as the gel that binds the entire event together. Another indicator of how ‘mainstream’ rave and club culture has become relates to the rise of music once particular to underground raves and clubs into the mainstream. Where young people who desired to listen to ‘rave type music’ previously had to follow a series of directions and map points to locate the event, tune into pirate radio stations, or borrow mixed tapes from friends, such music can now be enjoyed on tap in many cities, whether at the clubs, pubs, bars, on the radio, or on the television. Moreover, clubs nowadays cater to a variety of crowds coming to hear a particular offshoot of house, techno, garage, or jungle music. To this degree, the culture of raving and clubbing contains a series of smaller cultures oriented around different tastes in music, which, in turn, may relate to different ‘styles’ (cf. Thornton 1995; O’Hagan 1999; Sanders this volume). All the music played at clubs and raves has similarities: repetitive, high-energy, bass heavy thumps, containing a variety of looped electronic sounds and samples. The booming music, the lights and lasers, psychedelia and smoke: raves and clubs not only cater to young people who like to dance, but also those who enjoy the use of particular drugs.

Drugs in Clubs

Significant trends have emerged within youthful drug use in the West since the early 1990s. For one, there has been an overall increase in the amount of young people who report lifetime rates of use (Chivite-Matthews et al. 2005; EMCDDA 2004; Johnston & O’Malley 2005; NDSHS 2002; SAMHSA 2005). Several drugs which were relatively unheard of twenty years ago, such as ecstasy, are now of great concern (e.g. UNODC 2003). The non-medical (recreational) use of prescription drugs, including Ritalin, Oxycontin, Vicodin, and Adderall is now facilitated by the Internet, where individuals without a prescription can mail-order these drugs from hundreds of companies (CASA 2002, 2005). Many of these drugs mimic the effects of illicit ‘street’ drugs (Sanders et al. 2005). Also, the use of hallucinogens, such as LSD and psilocybin mushrooms, was on the rise (Hunt 2004), and these mushrooms may now be bought legally in the UK (see Measham & Moore this volume). Other hallucinogens called tryptamines (e.g. AMT, DMT) and phenethylamines (2C-B (Nexus); 5-MEO-DiPT (Foxy) have debuted within popular culture (cf. Kelly this volume; Measham 2004c). Crystal methamphetamine use has spread east from the Southwest of the US, only recently showing up in the ‘heartland’ and the Northeast (NIJ 2003; DAWN 2004), prompting US congressmen to suggest that “Meth is the biggest threat to the United States, maybe even including al-Qaida [sic]” Barnett 2005). Crystal methamphetamine has been problematic in Australia and New Zealand as well for several years (UNODC 2003; Degenhardt & Topp 2003; Topp et al. 2002). Another noticeable trend is the shift in ways that young people can administer illicit drugs. Drugs which young people have predominately sniffed or smoked, such as powder cocaine, crack, and crystal methamphetamine, are also being injected intravenously (Clatts et al. 2001; Lankenau et al. 2004). Youth are also injecting ketamine both intravenously and intramuscularly – the latter being a relatively unique administration for any recreationally used drug (Lankenau & Clatts 2004, 2005; Lankenau & Sanders 2004). Finally, young people no longer need to smoke, sniff, or inject ‘hard’ drugs in order to administer them. Drugs such as ecstasy are predominately swallowed in a tablet or pill form, and oral administrations of any illicit substance are, perhaps, the easiest and least stigmatizing type of administration.

While not suggesting any causal relationship, the rise of raving and clubbing as popular youthful activities are somewhat associated with the increase in youthful drug use. For instance, the general increase in overall youthful drug use has paralleled the rise of raving and clubbing within popular youth culture. The terms ‘club drugs’ and ‘dance drugs’ have emerged, relatively recently, to indicate a variety of drugs with stimulant and/or hallucinogenic properties commonly used within raves and clubs. More directly, British Crime Survey data noted that “lifestyle differences” help account for differential rates of drug use, indicating that youth “aged 16-29 who had visited clubs or discos in the past month were almost twice as likely to have used drugs in the past year as those who had not” – a difference which was even more pronounced for ecstasy and cocaine (Chivite-Matthews et al. 2005 p. 7; cf. Bellis et al. 2003). Laws have also been written specifically to criminalize raves because of their association with illicit drug use. For instance, US legislatures who penned the RAVE Act clearly understood there to be a connection between ecstasy and ‘rave parties’; RAVE stands for Reducing Americans Vulnerability to Ecstasy. While certainly not all young people who attend raves and clubs use drugs, the use of certain ‘dance’ or ‘club’ drugs within these settings can almost be guaranteed.

But what are ‘club drugs?’ A review of the literature reveals no clear definitions other than drugs which have been found to be largely used in club settings (cf. Fendrich & Johnson 2005). As they pertain to young people, illicit ‘club drugs’ may be broken down into various categories: drugs whose use first became popular within club and rave settings (ecstasy, GHB, ketamine); drugs which enjoyed a type of renaissance within such settings (LSD, psilocybin mushrooms); and drugs with a long history of abuse that also became common in raves and clubs (cocaine, crystal methamphetamine). Many of these drugs have been used in various combinations at raves and clubs for general desired effects. For instance, within rave and club argot, the co-use of LSD and ecstasy is known as ‘candy flipping’, the co-use of mushrooms and ecstasy as ‘hippy flipping’, and the intranasal co-use of cocaine and ketamine as ‘CK 1’. Within ‘circuit party’ club culture, the intranasal co-use of cocaine, ketamine, crystal methamphetamine, and powdered ecstasy in various combinations is known as ‘trail mix’ (Green this volume; Navarez 2001). Observations in various raves and clubs also indicate that inhalants, such as Nitrous Oxide (whippets, balloons) and Amyl and Butyl Nitrate (poppers, rush), are also widely used in such settings (see also Green this volume). Indeed, polydrug use –simultaneously using two or more substances (including cigarettes and alcohol) and/or using a variety of substances throughout the evening – within rave and club settings is common (e.g. Degenhardt, Copeland & Dillon 2005; Lankenau & Clatts 2005; Measham 2004c).

Many of the illicit drugs used within raves and clubs have hallucinogenic and/or stimulant properties and somewhat ‘fit’ with the overall atmosphere of raves and clubs.6 Clubs and raves are contemporary youthful leisure outlets, ‘wild zones’, and liminal spaces where the use of certain illicit drugs may be defined as somewhat ‘acceptable’ (Hobbs et al. 2003; Measham, Parker & Aldridge 2001; Thornton 1995). In certain respects, both the music and club/rave environments may be constructed in order to accommodate the use of these ‘club’ drugs. For instance, the effects of these drugs work well with the bouncy music, displays of light, and general party atmosphere of rave and club venues. A punter can work off the effects of these drugs in a main dance area by listening to the energetic music, go and cool down and relax in a ‘chill out room’ playing soothing ambient music, and repeat this process throughout the length of the event.

Ecstasy is the club drug par excellence and its use has been considered, for good reason, to go hand in glove with raves and clubs (Shapiro 1999). In fact, it would be difficult to discuss the phenomena of raving or clubbing within the past fifteen years without mentioning ecstasy (Redhead 1993). In this respect, drug use in rave and club culture differs from drug use amongst young people within previous popular youth cultures. For instance, the Teddy Boys and greasers in the 1950s, mods, rockers, and skinheads in the 1960s, and hippies in the 1970s have all been somewhat associated with using certain illicit drugs. Drug use, however, was only one aspect of these previous youth cultures; it remains a defining aspect of rave and club cultures. At the 2002 American Society of Criminology Annual meeting in Chicago, I presented a preliminary manuscript on my experiences as a club security guard in a London nightclub. When I discussed the ubiquity of ecstasy in the club, someone raised their hand and said: ‘But drugs have always been in clubs’. This point is undeniable. However, when you read up on drug use in clubs during the disco years, for instance, the use of amphetamines and cocaine is mentioned in passing, not as a central activity many people engaged in. Gilmour’s (1979) Saturday Night Fever – a fictional account of young people who atte...