India-China Relations

Politics of Resources, Identity and Authority in a Multipolar World Order

Jagannath P. Panda

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781317563808
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Ethnic Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

The rise of India and China as two major economic and political actors in both regional and global politics necessitates an analysis of not only their bilateral ties but also the significance of their regional and global pursuits. This book looks at the nuances and politics that the two countries attach to multilateral institutions and examines how they receive, react to and approach each other's presence and upsurge.

The driving theme of this book is to highlight the enduring and emerging complexities in India-China relations, which are multi-layered and polygonal in nature, and both a result and reflection of a multipolar world order. The book argues that coexistence between India and China in this multipolar world order is possible, but that it is limited to a medium-term perspective, given the constraints of identity complexities and global aspirations these two rising powers are pursuing. It goes on to discuss how their search for energy resources, quest to uphold their own identity as developing powers, and engagement in balance-of-power politics to exert authority on each other's presence, are some elements that guide their non-cooperative relationship.

By explaining the foreign policy approaches of Asia's two major powers towards the growing Asian and global multilateralism, and highlighting the policies they carry towards each other, the book is a useful contribution to students and scholars of Asian Politics, Foreign Policy and International Relations.

1 Introduction

What this book is about

India–China relations continue to capture attention in international relations politics. While US–China relations attract discussion, given the political and economic supremacy of the two protagonists, and China–Japan relations are signified by a certain stereotypical power politics of cooperation-conflict that many bilateral relationships in the world represent, India–China relations are distinctive, given the two countries’ primacy as ‘emerging and enduring powers’. They represent two modes of civilisation, demographically strong societies, and promising economic and geography forte, bringing cooperation and collaboration, coexistence and convergence, and competition and conflict on a single platform, signifying the most complex and dynamic relationship in world politics.

Three mainstream prisms – realism, idealism and constructivism – primarily explain the character of most contemporary bilateral relations. Most scholars and experts have also seen the India–China dynamism through these three prisms. Indian and Chinese scholars and experts have often portrayed this dynamics in the light of their indigenous perspective; non-Indian/non-Chinese scholars have claimed to be more objective. But they ignore that India–China relations are much more complicated than coming under the canvas of the defined theoretical prism of realism/idealism/constructivism. This book shuns these mainstream theoretical prisms, and seeks to illuminate the underlying complications characterising this bilateral relationship that go far beyond the realism/idealism/constructivism construct through a methodological, orderly and structural analysis.

The realist prism of India–China relations explains the power rivalry, antagonism and competition between the two Asian neighbours.¹ It posits that if both countries continue to grow on their current power trajectory, a strong power rivalry between them will be inevitable, given that both stand a sound chance of becoming superpowers in times to come.² In contrast, the liberalist prism plumps for a cooperative relationship, stable engagement and cooperation. It posits that the strategic rivalry is muted, with a diversity of institutional, bilateral as well as multilateral engagement and economic interdependence³ in the interest of evolving a ‘non-Western’ world order that is very much multipolar, thinking alike as Asian powers and as ‘emerging powers’ (Panda 2013). This discourse of realism and idealism has further emerged as neo-realism and neo-liberalism, to depend upon constructivism to evaluate and contextualise India–China relations in a more objective and neutral perspective.

Constructivism does offer a nuanced and constructive explanation of India– China ties, following a mid-course, and accepts that cooperation and conflict in these ties are concurrent.⁴ But constructivism is often dominated by a liberal mode of thinking, closer to idealism (Bozdaliolu 2007), a result of which has been the coinage of an idea like ‘Chindia’.⁵ Constructivism overlooks that in a complex relationship such as that between India and China, traditional realities like history, culture and social constructs often play a strong role in state politics along with contemporary realities of present-century world politics. These contemporary realities are mainly national interests: geographic resources or energy resources, identity or image as a nation, or authority principle, which is a type of influence that often comes with or without state power. This book essentially seeks to cover these unforeseen and inexplicable characters in India–China relations in an already arrived multipolar world order.

Existing studies mostly focus on the usual bilateral impediments in India– China relations such as their boundary dispute and complexities linked to Tibet and Tibetan affairs, while covering select regional complexities in the neighbourhood region. But the rise of India and China as two major economies and political actors in regional and global politics necessitates scholarly debate and systematic methodological analysis not only regarding their bilateral ties; but also the significance of their sub-regional, regional, cross-continental and global pursuits. The India–China dynamics at the sub-regional and cross-continental levels is a relatively new area of power dynamics that needs systematic analysis, because they have considerably influenced India–China ties. These polygonal, multifaceted and multilateral parlances call for a strong methodological inquiry.

Defining the concept

The rise of a multilateral mechanism like Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS), the relative decline of US influence and the ‘special’ rise of China have connoted a scenario of a multipolar world order. But it needs to be seen whether the current state of India–China relations is a reflection or a result of multipolarity. There is acknowledgement that India–China relations have moved beyond the purview of bilateralism and have become, as Alka Acharya notes, ‘one of the most critical relationships not just in Asia but the world’ (Acharya 2008: 13). They have become autonomous in character, moving beyond their orthodox ambience of bilateral-centrism. Recognising this, the Joint Statement on India–China relations, which was issued on 20 May 2013 on the conclusion of the visit of Premier Li Keqiang, records that:

There is enough space in the world for the development of India and China…. As the two largest developing countries in the world, the relationship between India and China transcends bilateral scope and has acquired regional, global and strategic significance.

(MEA 2013)

This endorsement came against the background when the two countries celebrated the 60th anniversary of the Panchsheel discourse in 2014, and commemorated the 10th anniversary of the ‘Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity’ in 2015. In 2016, when the relationship between the two neighbours has become more ‘development’ oriented, the question arises: if India–China ties have become autonomous, how do they accommodate each other in this autonomous space of politics? Does the course of Panchsheel of the previous world order have any relevance today? And how well have India–China relations benefited from the decade-old Strategic and Cooperative Partnership, which emphasises peace and prosperity? This book argues that India–China relations are in constant transition, with a new mode of politics and leadership on both sides, where the usual mode of politics is being outdone through new labels of power politics at different stages.

The main premise of this book is about the two emerging contemporary powers and their mutual discourse with and perception of each other. It aims to address a few broad research questions: What is the current nature of India– China relations? What will be their future course? And does the thesis of ‘Chindia’, which connotes a basis of cooperation and coexistence, have any realistic basis? The ‘Chindia’ thesis has in a way marginalised India–China relations in a multipolar world order. Without supporting the ‘Chindia’ discourse, this book aims at the following: (i) inspect the current and future course of India– China relations; (ii) evaluate both countries’ geopolitical presence and political nuances in various multilateral mechanisms and institutions; and (iii) examine the strategic fallout in their bilateral, sub-regional, regional, cross-continental and global discourse. Coexistence for the two countries in a multipolar world order is possible, but it will be selective and limited in nature, being further limited to a medium-term perspective, given the constraints of identity complexities of being the two ‘prospective world powers’: their quest for security and objective of maximising their own national interests stymie any larger prospects of coexistence. Their unremitting search for energy resources, quest to uphold their current identity as developing-world countries but aiming to become world powers, and engaging in a balance-of-power politics to exert authority on each other’s presence are some elements that guide their non-cooperative relations.

Figure 1.1 graphically illustrates this India–China convolution. It may not seem most logical, but it helps in presenting and comprehending methodically the India–China intricacy. It also sweeps aside the prejudices adduced by theoretical prisms that idealism, realism or constructivism generally offer. The politics of resources, identity and authority that this book constantly highlights is about the essence, presence and influence of a contemporary state’s competing-cooperating reality. These three realities may seem to be distinct and disassociated from each other, but viewed from a rational power political perspective, these three are core aspects that contemporary states try to achieve, implement and pursue in order to sustain their global aims and aspirations. The search for energy resources along with constant economic opportunities in different geographic regions of Asia and the world condition their bilateral and multilateral approach towards each other. Identity politics helps them hold on to their status of emerging or developing countries to continue to shape the cross-continental and global politics of their relationship. In between, there is a component of authority politics, involving contention and future outlook, reflected at different stages of their relationship course, and that includes bilateral, sub-regional, regional, cross-continental and global facets. The principle of authority comes with or without power, and is often seen in terms of their influencing capability. These powers or influencing capabilities are linked with both India’s and China’s political presence and economic stimulus. The politics of authority involves hegemonic state behaviour, dominance character and building influence rather than projecting the pretence of a cooperative endeavour that Panchsheel or the official ‘Strategic and Cooperative Partnership for Peace and Prosperity’ or the newly ‘developmental partnership’ promise to produce. The politics of authority in practice represents their economic supremacy, military superiority and rising political presence, which exert influence.

Figure 1.1 India–China relations: structural convolution.

In essence, this book examines three assertions. First, opposite to the three prisms – idealist, realist and constructivist – it explores how pragmatism prevails over any pretence of cooperation and conflict at different levels: bilateral, sub-regional, regional, cross-continental and global. As rational and realist actors, the two countries pledge for stronger mutual cooperation but fall short in implementing it in practical circumstances. Second, it examines the conventional intellectual discourse that India–China relations are ordained more by competition and conflict than cooperation in their multilateral presence in diverse geographic zones. Cooperation and conflict may be two extremes; but there are new labels and modes of action, which come in the form of competition, coexistence and convergence of mutual interests. Third, the book outlines the ‘autonomous’ or ‘explicit’ character of India–China relations obtaining today and advancing into the future, arguing that this relationship course has moved beyond its ‘orthodox’ bilateral character. This autonomous character is linked to their global polygonal politics, third-party outlook and global supply-and-demand politics related to the emerging geopolitics and geo-economics. In sum, this book narrates the current and next course of India–China relations.

Contemporary India–China relations: a reflection or a result of multipolarity?⁶

The conventional argument is that India’s and China’s rise has been a singular aspect of current world politics and that possibly has driven the core of multipolarism. But have contemporary India–China relations, which have become autonomous or multi-layered, replicated the mode of multipolarism or have they simply been a result of multipolarity? Recent literature suggests that they are both.

William Antholis in Inside Out, India and China: Local Politics Go Global (2013) talks about how the two countries have grown and extended their local reach to global outreach and have established their strong footprints in global multilateralism. He provides an excellent account of how local determinants and perspectives in both countries shape the course of their foreign policy actions and global conduct. With a rich and systematic analysis of the two countries’ geographic regions, he analyses the diversity of their approaches to business ethics and governance capability that have impacted global politics and economics. He argues that local politics in both India and China are key constituents in their foreign-policymaking. The central government in neither country has absolute control, and the primacy of their domestic boroughs must be understood in the global context. To quote: ‘The power outside of their capitals has expanded dramatically in recent decades. Local governments have stepped forward, with global implications’ (ibid.: 6).

Carl J. Dahlman in The World under Pressure: How China and India Are Influencing the Global Economy and Environment (2012) provides an excellent analysis of how India’s and China’s rise is influencing the global economic system and geopolitical environment in their favour. Though China’s rise and growth has been the flavour of world politics, the picture remains incomplete without assessing India’s rise. India harbours the strength and vigour to surpass the US’s economic supremacy in the future. In this context, the European Union too would have to reassess its position and standing in the global economic and political setting (ibid.: 227). Besides, the global power dynamics will get complicated further as India and China may collide over water, energy resources, economics and on ideological fronts (ibid.: 2). This book is in agreement with Dahlman’s thesis in that it tries to highlight how ‘multipolar realities’ continue to shape India–China relations and future world politics. Interestingly, Dahlman contests the premise that India and China together are significant representatives of the ‘rise of the rest’ (ibid.: 232): together they represent...