PART ONE
Lead essay
Radical and critical perspectives on social work with children and families: England and the Republic of Ireland
Paul Michael Garrett
England and the Republic of Ireland are bound together historically and in a contemporary sense. Both are currently governed by coalition administrations intent on pursing broadly neoliberal policies. In terms of social work practice, in the Republic, the main legislation relating to social work with children was, until the enactment of the Children Act 2001, the Children Act 1908 placed on the statute book by the former British colonial administration. Today, social work in both England and Ireland is mostly work undertaken by women workers. In the latter jurisdiction, 83.2% of social work posts are filled by women (NSWQB, 2006, p 23). Nevertheless, not surprisingly, there are certain national defining characteristics. That is to say, the difficulties and dilemmas confronting practitioners, social work academics and the users of services are not the same in England and the Republic of Ireland.
This relatively short contribution to the âRadical and Critical Perspectivesâ series can only begin to identify some of the main emerging issues and themes relating to social work with children and families.1 In this context, readers need to be alert to the fact that it is, I feel, misguided to simply view social work â with children and families or any other group â as an entirely benign and emancipatory activity. Social work should not be sentimentalised and its function and purpose misunderstood. When discussing social work, we need to keep the state in vision: by and large, social workers are employed by the state and this is a social formation that does not simply act as a âgood-enough parentâ, seeking to intervene in the lives of children because of the need to ensure that their welfare is âparamountâ. The state, in both England and the Republic of Ireland, is not socially or economically neutral and its fundamental role is to maintain the present ordering of economic relations. As Bourdieu (2001, p 34) has elaborated, the state is:
an ambiguous reality. It is not adequate to say that it is an instrument in the hands of the ruling class. The state is certainly not completely neutral, completely independent of the dominant forces in society, but the older it is and the greater the social advances it has incorporated the more autonomous it is. It is a battlefield.
Related to this perspective, as Parton (2000, p 457) observed a number of years ago:
[one of] social workâs enduring characteristics seems to be its essentially contested and ambiguous natureâŚ. Most crucially, this ambiguity arises from a commitment to individuals and families and their needs on the one hand and its allegiances to and legitimation by the state in the guise of the courts and its âstatutoryâ responsibilities on the other.
Presently, we are enduring a âconservative revolutionâ (Bourdieu, 2001) and this is also determining the shape and core objectives of the state. More expansively, we are living in a period in which processes of neoliberalisation continue to impact on, and to remake, all areas of life.
Importantly, how the agenda of neoliberalisation is assembled and amplified is connected to the roles of strategically placed individuals. In this sense, the diffusion of neoliberal ideas is not the result of the machinations of âfaceless, structural forcesâ (Peck, 2004, p 399); rather, structurally positioned agents are immensely important in terms of how they seek to formulate and promote such ideas and establish a new âcommon senseâ. Academics and consultants, as well as politicians, are playing a key role in articulating âchangeâ and in providing an âexpertâ and (contentiously) âindependentâ foundation for policy departures impacting on social work with children and families. In England, the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) has provided an ideas factory for âmodernisationâ within and beyond Childrenâs Services: Giddens (1998), of course, was the intellectual architect of New Labourâs neoliberalism and he was to find a champion in social workâs academic literature in Harry Ferguson (2001). Other academics based at the LSE, such as Julian Le Grand (2007) and Eileen Munro (Department of Education, 2011), although far from being entirely at one in their vision for change, continue to function as organic intellectuals of the current Coalitionâs âtransformationâ agenda by furnishing plans, programmes and reports that map the reorientation of social work and related services. On the other side of the Irish Sea, key architects of âtransformationâ include Frances Fitzgerald, the current Minister for Children, and also Gordon Jeyes, a former Director of Childrenâs Services in the UK, who was appointed by the Health Services Executive (HSE) as the National Director for Children and Family Services in the Republic. Such figures help to create the âspiritâ of âreformâ and to enlist and retain the allegiance of practitioners during a period when fractured welfare states denude social workers of resources (see also Boltanski and Chiapello, 2005). Part of this project strategically pivots on the need to eliminate counter-perspectives or untidy elements that do not fit within the âchange agendaâ.
Underpinning this contribution to the series, therefore, is the Gramscian idea that there is a need to focus on the molecular details associated with the project to create a new hegemony in the sector.2 This approach leads us to pose a number of questions about changes being promoted within Childrenâs Services in England and the Republic of Ireland. The tonality and texture of the âreformâ discourse is not the same in these jurisdictions and it operates within different professional, expert and emotional registers, but the focal questions include: how are vaunted ânewâ ideas and plans related to older forms of thinking and acting within the sector? How is the private sector beginning to play a more substantial role? How is the case for âreformâ being made and orchestrated? Which groups are operating as the primary definers, providing a critique of the âway things areâ and mapping the âway things should beâ? What are the patterns of association and political and professional adherences of those promoting âreformâ? What are the new shapes of control and regulation that are emerging? What are the new surveillance practices that are now evolving, which are being directed at both the users of services and the providers of services? What are the sources of resistance? Clearly, such questions are rarely central in social work education and practice, but, in what follows, it will be maintained that being critically aware is vital in these turbulent times.
England
Hemmed in by âneoliberal rationalityâ: reviewing New Labour (1997â2010)
It is vital to try to identify some of the key components of New Labour policymaking impacting on social work with children and families because this continues to provide a foundation for the interventions of the current ConservativeâLiberal Democrat Government that came to power in 2010. A number of years into the period of New Labour governments (1997â2010), I observed in my book Remaking social work with children and families (Garrett, 2003, p 139) that âsocial work is always, in a sense, being re-made and it is not possible to have nervous recourse to an authentic or timeless form of practice. Social work is always changing and evolving into something else, always in processâ. At this time, a key characteristic of social work with children and families included the creation of new structures, such as Childrenâs Trusts, a panoply of new regulatory and inspection bodies, and a range of new agencies, such as the Youth Justice Board and Youth Offending Teams. New Labour was driven by the aspiration to embed multidisciplinary working and âjoined-upâ approaches. This was apparent in the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 and the Children Act 2004. The New Labour administrations, perhaps especially the initial one formed in 1997, displayed tremendous reforming energy. Oftentimes, this contained the residues of a progressive politics; more frequently, it pivoted on a commitment at the top of the party to âroll-with-it neoliberalizationâ (Keil, 2009).
Political âspinâ played a key role in promoting and inflecting the agenda for change, and New Labour certainly had a keen attentiveness to the importance of the symbolic. This was reflected in early endeavours to introduce a new vocabulary into social work and related spheres. Hence, in terms of children in public care, there was an attempt to promote the âlooked-afterâ alternative. Connected to this, problematic moves took place to introduce the phrase âcorporate parentingâ into local authority initiatives focused on the âlooked afterâ. During New Labourâs first administration â and indicative of the tendency to seek to vapidly âbrandâ new programmes â the âQuality Protectsâ initiative was launched to try to improve âoutcomesâ for this group of children. Similarly, the âEvery Child Mattersâ slogan was to form the emblematic fulcrum for later programmes. At times, it appeared that Childrenâs Services, increasingly moulded as private sector corporations, were inflating their âproductsâ and capacity to âdeliverâ services that were universally âexcellentâ in an uncomplicated world. This approach risked, of course, âsetting social workers up to failâ, particularly given that services were often short of staff. Indeed, unfilled vacancies, a high turnover of staff and the dependence on agency staff impacted on the ability of workers within Childrenâs Services throughout the New Labour period. Shortly after the furore surrounding the death of Peter Connelly, it was revealed by the British Association of Social Workers (BASW) that, nationally, about 11% of posts were vacant, rising to 30% in some of the most stressful urban communities (âSocial worker chiefs call for end to demonization of their colleaguesâ, The Guardian, 13 November 2008, p 15).
New Labour was also intent on direction from the centre and on imposing an audit and âperformanceâ-based culture throughout all public services. Nevertheless, it appeared to fail to reach its own âtargetsâ, for example, to reduce the numbers of children who were poor. Furthermore, in October 2008, the Audit Commission (2008, p 1) reported that the Childrenâs Trusts created by the government had been âconfused and confusingâ. Five years after the publication of Every child matters (Chief Secretary to the Treasury, 2003), there was âlittle evidence of better outcomes for children and young peopleâ (Audit Commission, 2008, p 1).
More politically, the New Labour approach was heavily influenced by a narrow neoliberal rationality (see Table 1).
Neoliberalism served â often implicitly â to provide the dominant, or hegemonic, core for the âmodernisationâ of Childrenâs Services and associated spheres. Some academics and political commentators maintained that New Labourâs neoliberalism was âan uncomfortable and strained construction rather than an essential political characterâ (Clarke et al, 2007, p 146). However, following Blairâs ascendancy to the leadership of the party, it was to become increasingly comfortable with the neoliberal agenda. What Stuart Hall (2003, p 19) referred to as the âsubaltern programme, of a more social-democratic kind, running alongsideâ became much more subdued, increasingly marginal and marginalised. In a somewhat recalibrated form, neoliberal rationality continues to dominate the perspective of the current ConservativeâLiberal Democrat Government.
New Labour was a governing party with a proclivity to look to Washington for direction in shaping policy. Here, Blair was, of course, the most powerful and primary definer. His project to discursively reframe social security benefits as âhandoutsâ and to incrementally introduce workfare impacted adversely on many of the families engaging with social workers. What remains extraordinary (in England and the Republic of Ireland) is that this inclination to try to replicate approaches from the US is rarely contested within social workâs academic literature, despite the fact that the US, one of the most economically unequal societies in the world, hardly represents a successful template for policy relating to children. Figures released by the US government on children (0â17 years) reveal that in 2009, 21% (15.5 million) lived in poverty. This marked an increase from 16% in 2000 and 2001. In 2009, 36% of black children, 33% of Hispanic children and 12% of white, non-Hispanic children lived in poverty. These are increases from 35%, 29% and 10%, respectively, in 2007. Significantly, the percentage of children who lived in families with very high incomes (600% or more of the poverty threshold) nearly doubled, from 7% in 1991 to 13% in 2009 (ChildStats.gov, 2011).
Specifically in terms...