Minority within a Minority
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Minority within a Minority

Black Francophone Immigrants and the Dynamics of Power and Resistance

Amal Ibrahim Madibbo

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eBook - ePub

Minority within a Minority

Black Francophone Immigrants and the Dynamics of Power and Resistance

Amal Ibrahim Madibbo

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About This Book

This book examines the institutional racism andlanguagediscrimination that Black Francophones – who constitute a racial minority situated within a linguistic minority– face and identifies the strategies of resistance Black Francophones invent to gain access to power structures. The book is written to cover an area of research (Black Francophones) that is largely understudied. The book deals with the areas of immigration, race and anti-racism, gender, multiculturalism, linguistic minorities and francophone studies. It brings together multidisciplinary sociological and sociolinguistic theories and methodologies and sheds light on the discourse of institutional racism and resistance.

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Publisher
Routledge
Year
2007
ISBN
9781135864309

Chapter One
Introduction

To speak means to be in a position to use a certain syntax, to grasp the morphology of this or that language, but it means above all to assume a culture, to support the weight of a civilization (Franz Fanon, 1967, 17).
This book examines the dynamics of power and resistance within Francophone communities of Ontario. It explores the situation of African and Haitian Black1 Francophones, who constitute a racial minority situated within the official linguistic minority, in the distribution of and access to the economic and political resources that are attributed by the Canadian State to Francophones as one of its official linguistic communities in a minority situation. My work also seeks to identify various strategies and sites of resistance Black Francophones develop to gain access to power structures.
Black Francophones in Ontario are a part of the Francophone official linguistic minority, but they also belong to a racial minority. Their presence in Canada represents contribution to the continuity of the existence of both Blacks and Francophones in Canada. The history of Blacks in Canada goes back to the 16th century. Numerous writers record the presence of slaves from France and Loyalists from the United States who established communities in places like Nova Scotia and Quebec (Case, 2002; Cooper, 1991, 2000). The facts remind us that, contrary to general belief, slavery was practiced in Quebec and other Canadian provinces (Trudel, 1960, 1990). In addition, the presence of Mathieu da Costa, who served as an interpreter of Micmaq, French and English, in Eastern Canada at the very beginning of the 17th century “around 1606” (Gouvernement du QuĂ©bec, 1995), attests to the fact that there were French-speaking Blacks in the country prior to the establishment of the Canadian Federation in 1867. That was later followed by the migration of Blacks from the Caribbean and, more recently, from the African continent.
Significant proportions of Black Francophones started immigrating to Canada from many African countries and the Caribbean (mainly Haitians) since the 1960s when the first wave of Haitian migrants arrived in Quebec. Those migrants were highly educated professionals who were encouraged by the Quebec Government to migrate to Quebec to help build an urban society. This need emerged during the Quiet Revolution that began to occur in Quebec during the 1960s (Pompilus, 1999; Roc, 1997). In the sense that Black Francophones are part of Canada’s racial minorities, I emphasize that Blacks’ presence in Canada was often faced with racism that stemmed from the host society in terms of exclusionary racialized and gendered State immigration policies as well as hostility from settlers in various provinces (Calliste, 1993; Shepard, 1997). As the population of my study—Black Francophones—also belong to Francophone communities, it is worth mentioning that Franco-Ontarians constitute a linguistic minority vis-à-vis dominance of Anglophones (Choquette, 1977). Franco-Ontarians have been struggling throughout history for the right to establish and control their autonomous institutions in their own language. This process has had considerable success that includes the establishment of political, cultural, financial and educational institutions.
The migration of Haitians and Africans has led to the establishment of the Black Francophone community in Ontario. The case of Black Francophones is unique in that they constitute a linguistic and a racial minority. This entails that, if, in Ontario, white Francophones are subjugated because of their language, following the same principle, Black Francophones are also discriminated against because of their language, in addition to their skin color. Like other racial minorities they experience racial oppression within the broader Canadian context. They are, however, not only a linguistic and a racial minority but also a racial minority situated within the official linguistic minority (Ibrahim, 1998). In addition, Black Francophones are immigrant communities in a process of integration and settlement. These factors reveal that Black Francophones are located in a complex social context where they deal with various social dynamics that include connections with the State, with white Francophones, with Anglophone racial minorities, and within their community. The challenges that Black Francophones face include the possibilities of both racism coming from the Canadian State and Francophone institutions and of language discrimination.
My book examines the situation of Black Francophones in the struggle for access to power. The term “power” has been conceptualized in a multiplicity of ways (Kramarae et al., 1984). I, however, particularly focus on what in the power structure informs the relationships between Black Francophones and the State on one hand, and between Black and white Francophones on the other hand. I also look at how power constructs the relationships among Black Francophones and their Anglophone counterparts. I will be using the term power to refer to the oppressive practices by which those who are more powerful in the hierarchy of power exert authority over subordinate groups. These practices filter through limitations of opportunities. The latter include social status, political resources and material wealth (Heller, 1994). This process is performed through relations that embody the intersection of variables such as race, gender and language. Power relations can therefore be linked to social inequities such as racism, sexism and language oppression. Power is articulated and maintained in both the macro and micro contexts of society, i.e., within institutions and in everyday life. These dimensions are inter-connected (Fairclough, 1992). In this work, power notably refers to the material, social and political resources (Heller, 1995; Ng, 1995) that are attributed by the Canadian State to Francophones as its official linguistic communities in a minority situation. Therefore, Black Francophones’ access to power involves relations at governmental levels as well as within Francophone mainstream institutions and community organizations. The various levels include different settings: government agencies, political, social and educational institutions and community organizations. The dynamics of power between Black Francophones and the State are connected to the impact of some policies on Black Francophones as immigrants and as members of both racial—and official—linguistic minority. This can be seen in policies of resource distribution assigned by the State to its official linguistic minorities, as well as policies specific to racial minorities targeting racism and socio-economic integration of racial minorities, which fall under the umbrella of multiculturalism. At issue, then, is the access of Black Francophones to these resources and how the Canadian State, which is predominantly white and Anglophone, deals with an official linguistic minority that includes both whites and racial minority members.
These power relations also are linked to the official bilingualism of Canada and to its immigration and multiculturalism policies. I state that even though the issues pertaining to Black Francophones as part of the official linguistic minority are situated within the framework of Canadian official bilingualism, I am aware that considering Canada as a bilingual country—English and French—is itself an indication of potential State racism. Canada’s official bilingual policy is based on the myth of “the two founding peoples,” namely, the British and the French. It does not acknowledge other groups, such as the Aboriginal Peoples and racialized groups who were present in Canada prior to the foundation of the Canadian Confederation. In addition, providing constitutional protection to two languages in Canada undermines the multilinguality that applies to the multicultural nature of Canadian society. Official bilingualism, therefore, serves to undermine languages that are spoken by communities who are integral parts of the social fabric of Canadian society. That Canada is a country of immigration also signifies that immigrants built it. Black Francophones come to Canada as immigrants, and it is important to bring to the forefront the social relations of race and language within the dynamics of the integrative process.
When it comes to the situation of Blacks within Francophone communities, the major issue is the share, among Francophones, of power and resources. The presence of Black Francophones in Ontario contributes to changing the image of the community into a more heterogeneous one in terms of culture, class, language, religion and race social relations (Ibrahim, 1998; Madibbo, 2004). However, tensions and conflicts arise between Black and white Francophones. The struggle is marked by Blacks claiming their rights to an equitable share of power in terms of financial and other resources and access to employment and decision-making. Blacks’ main issues are equity and representation. In regard to power relations among Francophones, the question that arises is, if Franco-Ontarians have been fighting to gain power and if they have obtained it, how do they share it? And, which is the space occupied by Blacks in the Francophone mainstream’s institutional hierarchy? As we will see, Black Francophones’ connections with other racial minorities are demonstrated by social, economic and political affiliations developed between the two groups of Blacks based on race, history, culture and other identity markers.
I also seek to identify various strategies of resistance Black Francophones develop to enter power structures. I define resistance as a struggle against different forms of oppression such as colonialism, patriarchy, racism and homophobia (Bobb-Smith, 1998). Resistance is taken from oppressed people’s common experiences of domination, calling upon their social histories to challenge oppressive practices (Elabor-Idemudia, 2000). As McIsaac (2000) alludes to, resistance should basically dismantle the hegemonic structures of power and should aim to challenge social inequities. She notes: “for resistance to be considered a legitimate concept in a discussion of social agency, it must be that it truly challenges or subverts dominant culture” (p. 91). That is, resistance can only be effective when it transforms dominant discourses and practices. I also re-iterate that resistance is not reactionary but revolutionary. It is performed in small and big activities such as revolutionary thinking, political mobility and social action undertaken by subjects to oppose the hegemony of the dominant groups.
Resistance also includes a variety of actions performed in individual or collective ways: efforts to improve education and career status, armed resistance against dominant regimes, engagement in politically motivated movements, self-definition as sources of empowerment, organizing and ordinary people’s daily strategies for survival (Wane, 2000). I emphasize that I find it important to speak about resistance because it reveals that social actors are not victims but are socially and politically aware. Social actors do not exist to confront groups but rather to develop their communities and to reinforce principles of social justice. In this work, the term “resistance” refers to strategies and counter-hegemonic discourses taken by Black Francophones vis-à-vis the State and Francophone mainstream institutions to overcome the various forms of oppression Blacks face, such as racism and language discrimination. Resistance is rooted in Black peoples’ shared experiences of struggle and is connected to the broader movement for social justice. It aims to inspire solidarity between Black Francophones and other marginalized groups to create spaces for them within the Canadian society and its institutions and also to build stronger communities.
Therefore, this work also examines how the interplay of race, language and gender shapes the experiences of Black Francophones with respect to racism and resistance. I argue that language is not the only factor that affects them but that, in addition to language discrimination, they also face racism stemming from both the Canadian State and Francophone mainstream institutions. The lived experiences of Black Francophones will therefore allow us to conceptualize how oppressive practices and resistance are performed across the lines of social relations of race, gender and language. My work will explore how these factors manifest themselves in the specific case of Black Francophones in Ontario.
I function theoretically with and within Antiracism and Black Feminism, which challenge the racism and patriarchy of predominantly white Western societies such as Canada that are regulated by hegemonic Euro-centric practices and knowledge. Antiracism and Black Feminism are political projects that aim for social change (Dei, 1996a; James, 1996a; Ng, 1995). They recognize that the existence of inequitable hierarchies in Euro/Canadian societies is located within exploitative, predominantly white structures. The frameworks therefore acknowledge that there is an inequitable distribution of power and resources. They call for a critical examination of how social difference and power relations are performed in people’s daily experiences and within societal structures (Young, 1995). The approaches cited explicitly recognize the reality of racism, sexism and homophobia as historical, social and political factors and aim to build strong strategies for the struggle against social inequities and to attain social and institutional transformation. Within the theoretical framework I am employing, power and resistance draw on Black libratory movements and discourses. These discourses gave birth to movements, notably, the Haitian Revolution that, in 1804, led to the establishment of the first independent Black republic in the world, the Anti-colonial struggles on the African Continent (1950s-1960s) and the Civil Rights Movement in the United States during the 1960s.
At the methodological level, my study is conducted through analysis of discourse of Black Francophone individuals and members and leaders of community organizations in two cities: Toronto and Ottawa. The data have been collected through qualitative methods—interviews, observation and document analysis. My methodological approach is based on the principles of Critical Ethnography that has grown out of dissatisfaction with social and cultural analysis in which factors like patriarchy, racism and class are not addressed (Anderson, 1989). Critical ethnographers seek to describe and analyze power centers and the mechanisms that help to produce various forms of resistance (McLaren, 1995). Critical Ethnography is also a critique of scientific rationality. It challenges positivist notions of “detachment” and “neutrality” in conducting research but rather claims that research projects should be political and activist (Eisner, 1997; Fine, 1994). It also stresses that both the researcher and the researched should be implicated in the act of knowledge production and in the process of social change (Thompson & Gitlin, 1995). Drawing upon Critical Ethnography, I assert that my political beliefs and my social location inform this work. My work overlaps with my experiences as a Black woman living in Canada facing racism and going through the experience of immigration. My choice of this topic stems from my awareness of the existence of inequities, the preeminence of racism and an urgency to transform society in order to attain social justice.
I examine my data using discourse analysis in order to capture the connectedness between linguistic practices, institutional racism and patterns of communication (Heller & Labrie, 2003; Lemke, 1995; Van Dijk, 1992). Drawing on Antiracism and Black Feminism and acknowledging the heterogeneity of Black communities, this study of Black Francophones as a racial and linguistic minority, theoretically bridges two fields that have traditionally been studied separately, that is, Antiracism and la Francophonie. It therefore brings together a group that belongs to both the Black Diaspora and the International Francophone space. I also relate my study to the contribution of Black peoples to building Black communities such as the ones that, in Western societies, are resulting from migration and displacement. This research is also informed by studying language and discursive practices as they offer valuable insights into the norms and representations performed within linguistic communities that consist of racial minorities. I also locate it in the inequitable power relations within Canadian/European contexts that are informed by the history of slavery and colonialism. It joins projects that challenge the racism and patriarchy that prevail in Canadian society (Brand, 1991; Case, 2002).
A considerable amount of research is available on Franco-Ontarian populations. For instance: history (Choquette, 1977; Juteau-Lee, 1980; Martel, 1995; Welch, 1988), anthropology and sociolinguistics (Heller, 1998; Mougeon & Beniak, 1989). However, with some few exceptions, these studies are specialized and focus more on white French-Canadians. I therefore understand that Francophone racial minorities are under-represented as subjects (and researchers). Despite the fact that this polarization is remarkable in Franco-Ontarian Studies, it has also been observed widely in other areas (Standfield, 1993). Moreover, recent books (Bernard, 1998; Thériault, 1999) undermine racial minorities in the sense that these studies do not even note the presence of Black Francophones.
Moreover, research on Black and ethnic Francophone minorities has been mainly located in Quebec (Bitjaa Kody, 1999; Juteau & McAndrew, 1992; KanoutĂ©, 1999; Meintel et al., 1997; Ndouye, 2004; Renaud, 1998; Roc, 1997; Waldron, 1996) and only sporadically carried out in Ontario. For example, some focused on all these communities including Blacks, while few concentrated on the subjects of my research (Farmer et al., 2003; Ibrahim, 1998). There are also a number of studies conducted by other centers and groups (Centre Francophone, 1997a, 1997b; ComitĂ©, 1998). Similarly, existing literature on Blacks in Canada focuses on Anglophones. This reveals that, notwithstanding their belonging to the two communities, issues pertaining to Black Francophones have not been thoroughly analyzed in either of the two fields—Francophone Studies and Antiracism.
Therefore, it is important to examine the various issues that pertain to Black Francophones from antiracist perspectives. Analysis of their experiences of racism and language discrimination as immigrants and a double minority will allow developing and implementing policies targeting the betterment of socio-economic integration of racial and linguistic minorities. Therefore, this book will fill gaps in the literature concerning Black Francophones. While this work is part of ongoing efforts to introduce race and Antiracism to la Francophonie, it will hopefully shed light on the social dynamics within the Francophone communities: the power inequities, racism, how multiple oppression functions and how various State policies impact on Black Francophones.
When I asked Christien Renard (pseudonym), a Haitian youth who is studying law, to explain what it means for him to be Black and Francophone, he replied: “That would take an entire life, more than a book.”2 Christien’s response indicates that being Black and Francophone is a complex issue as it reveals, among other factors, that one is faced by language discrimination and by various forms of racism. Christien’s view makes allusion to the major forms of discrimination Black Francophones face that will be the main elements described in this book. It signifies that Black Francophones are constantly faced with double marginalization based on their language and race. Racism that these subjects face is present at many levels; it comes from the Anglophone State and is also perpetuated by white Francophones. It is worth mentioning that, like other racialized groups in Canada, Black Francophones experience racism in various ways: in hiring processes and in the work place, through the lack of equity policies as well as the non-recognition and non-accreditation of foreign credentials. Black Francophones are also subjected to racialization of language or to stereotypes in everyday life and through youth encounters with the police.
In addition, these Blacks face forms of racism that are exerted within both Francophone mainstream institutions and communities. Specific forms of racism often converge in both Anglophone State institutions and Francophone mainstream organizations. Therefore, being a minority within a minority, these Francophones’ experiences of racism and language discrimination as Blacks and Francophones, pass through the intermingling streams of race and language and also relate to the immigration process. As we will note, notwithstanding the multiplicity of forms of oppression Black Francophones face, these social actors develop various individual and collective strategies of resistance that aim at challenging State and Francophone communities racism and strengthening Black Francophone community development.
This book is divided in seven chapters. This first chapter, the introduction, offers an overview of the topic being studied and sums-up the content of the succeeding chapters.
The second chapter provides the socio-historical and contemporary perspective of the study. It provides a brief history of Franco-Ontarians with respect to their struggle as an official linguistic community in a minority situation. It then focuses on the socio-historical context of the migration of Black Francophones. It integrates the factors that triggered migration and specific policies of immigration that impacted on the migration of Black Francophones to Canada. It also provides a profile of the Black Francophone community including statistics and socio-economic mobility and an overview of different organizations and community associations including the mandate, goals and role these groups play within the communities. It also sheds light on the struggle over the share of power between Francophones and explores in greater detail the major questions of the research.
The third chapter consists of two parts: the theory framework and the methodology. The first part offers the theoretical considerations of my book. It highlights the main theoretical foundations of the two approaches that I chose in conducting my study: Antiracism and Black Feminism. In the first part I also examine how these approaches enabled me to analyze my topic. I explore race, gender and language as social constructs and categories of analysis and explain why I employ these three social categories. The second part sheds light on the methodological approach employed. It identifies my research background, the principles of Critical Ethnography that I draw upon to conduct my research and the process of data collection and analysis. It also highlights some epistemological issues: my role as a Black person doing research on Black people.
The fourth chapter investigates how Black Francophones face structural racism coming from the Canadian State. This chapter consists of two sections. The first section looks at the institutional definition of the category “Francophones” as it is identified by Statistics Canada and shows the impact of this definition on the Black Francophone community and its organizations. This section also examines the limited access of Black Francophones to financial resources and raises the question of the impact of under-funding on Black Francophone organizations and community development. The section also presents State racism as a factor that contributes to the under-funding of Black Francophone organizations. As the issues outlined in these parts relate to State’s policies, the second section of this chapter provides, as a case study, the debate around l’Entente Canada-communautĂ©/Canada-Community Agreement (l’Entente), a major governmental program of funding that generates a process of social dynamics between the State and its Francophone communities and within these communities. The discussion of l’E...

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