Introduction
This chapter considers changes in children's and young people's opportunities for participation with digital media technologies and the implications for media education. In particular, it argues that the emergence of digital platforms over the past decade has promoted new entertainment forms that require ongoing revision of media education's content and form. Numerous media and communications scholars (Jenkins 2008; Hartley 2010; Papacharissi 2010; Burgess and Green 2018; Cunningham and Craig 2019) have argued that digital platforms provide greater opportunities for both vernacular and professional media production, and more participatory and socially connected audience practices. Therefore, the emergence of digital platforms challenges how researchers have understood media industries and audiences in the past, and how to teach about them. An example of these changes is the rise of social media entertainment (SME) on platforms like YouTube, Instagram, and Facebook, and on lesserâknown platforms like Wattpad.
According to Cunningham and Craig (2019), SME's attractiveness to audiences contrasts in fundamental ways to Hollywoodâproduced media entertainment. For example, a key SME attribute is the emergence of the internet microâcelebrity, a figure who contrasts with the traditional media celebrity or star, particularly with regard to the kinds of relationships they develop with fans (Abidin 2018). This is just one example, albeit an important one, of how the digital media environment and technological innovation have altered young people's participation in entertainment and communication in recent years. It is within this context that the goals, content, and expected understandings generated by media education programs should evolve to address changes in media industries and audience practices.
The argument developed in this chapter mainly responds to the version of media education that has become formalized through school curricula produced for the Australian education system. Media education curriculum policy has developed in a multitude of ways internationally, and other countries' approaches may be more responsive to changes in young people's digital media practices than is the case in Australia. Furthermore, around the world, many different approaches to âmedia educationâ and âmedia literacyâ have been developed by governmentâsponsored programs, through charities and foundations, and through youth organizations that are possibly more agile and responsive to digital media than schoolâbased curricula. Equally, this is not to give the impression that media education in Australia is somehow unresponsive to digital media. Of course, many Australian media teachers develop highly sophisticated educational programs that directly respond to developments in young people's digital media practices. However, when media education becomes formalized through curriculum, there is a danger that it is less able to respond to changes in how young people experience media in their everyday lives. Therefore, if media education is to make an impact wherever it is being implemented, ongoing research is needed to accurately understand young people's media experiences. Furthermore, there is a need to develop curricula that are responsive to these experiences.
To explore the impact of technological change on media industries and audience practices, and how these changes recast children's and young people's media experiences, it is revealing to explore case studies of how fans interact with SME content. One example is a microâcelebrity called StacyPlays, who is a Let's Player from Utah in the United States. StacyPlays has attracted 2 million subscribers and 802 million views on YouTube by making videos of herself playing Minecraft (www.minecraft.net). Let's Plays are a highly popular YouTube genre in which video game players record themselves playing a game, while they simultaneously record a voiceâover commentary. StacyPlays is one of about 10 âfamilyâfriendlyâ Minecraft Let's Players who have formed a loose microâindustry producing content for children. Although she is by no means the most popular Let's Player in this category (for instance, DanTDM has over 22 million subscribers), she is particularly interesting to consider because her content is thematically organized around friendship with pets and animals, which has a special appeal for children.
This chapter provides a thematic analysis of fan comments made on one StacyPlays video. In addition, an analysis of fan fiction about StacyPlays circulated on the selfâpublishing platform Wattpad is considered. Together, these commenting and writing practices enable fans to construct communities that are largely socially supportive and affirming of both Minecraft play and fan adoration for Stacy. The chapter illustrates that the relationship between StacyPlays and her fans, the opportunities they have to interact with her, and how they participate online represent ways of participating with media that were not as common in the preâdigital era. These practices are not necessarily new or unique to digital contexts: scholars such as Fiske (1992) and Jenkins (2013) clearly established that participatory cultural practices were a significant feature of fandom in the preâdigital era. However, as Jenkins suggests (2013, p. xxiv), digital platforms make it easier for a greater number of young people to take part in participatory media forms, bringing these practices closer to the center of everyday media practice.
Beyond the Preâdigital Media Curriculum
Film, media, and communications scholarship has explored new industry and audience practices, but the translation of this research into a formal media curriculum at the school level has been very slow, at least in Australia. Children's and young people's evolving media experiences in digital contexts present a particular challenge for media education in formal educational settings. It is not easy for education systems and policyâdevelopment processes to keep pace with changes in digital media, or research about it. One reason for this lag is that all curricula, including media education curricula, necessarily become systematized as they are defined within formal schooling. Although he is referring to the situation in the United Kingdom, David Buckingham's comments about media education reflect the Australian media education context. He argues that media education is relatively well established in the UK, suggesting it is âguided by a fairly coherent conceptual framework, and there is a good sense of what works in the classroomâ (Buckingham 2016, p. 171).
Buckingham's point is that over 30 or so years, a consensus has emerged among educational authorities and teachers about media education's content and form. Buckingham recognizes, though, that media education may need to evolve to respond to digital media. One way to consider the tension between âsettledâ media curriculum and young people's digital media experiences is that the âtradeâoffâ for predictability is less flexibility in what the curriculum can promote as core knowledge. As Deng and Luke (2008) suggest, âIn theory and practice [âŠ] curriculum entails the normative selection, classification, and framing of knowledge from the archive of human knowledge.â Highlighting normativity is important because it suggests formal curriculum results from consensus about what is selected and accepted as core knowledge, which aspects of that knowledge are promoted and assessed, and how teachers frame knowledge as important (or not).
What ends up as official knowledge in the media curriculum, translated through âteacher knowledgeâ (Shulman 1987), constitutes what we understand to be media education's disciplinary subject matter. The knowledge base that supports media education has historically been informed by film, media, and communications research and the processes and conceptual frameworks developed within those disc...