Introducing New Testament Interpretation (Guides to New Testament Exegesis)

Scot McKnight

• Publisher: Baker Academic
• Year: 1990
• Print ISBN: 9780801062605
• eBook ISBN: 9781441206831
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Biblical Studies

This volume discusses various hermeneutical methods used in understanding the New Testament such as word studies, grammatical analysis, New Testament background, theological synthesis, textual criticism, and use of the Old Testament in the New.

1

New Testament Background

Warren Heard

---

The NT was written in a particular political, social, cultural, and theological milieu. The exegete must be immersed in this milieu so that the NT can be understood on its own terms; too often the texts in question are studied from the horizon of the twentieth century instead of the horizon of the first. The purpose of this chapter is to introduce the student to this area of study and hopefully stimulate an interest in NT background so that whenever any text is approached the exegete will attempt to listen to the text from the standpoint of one living in the first century.

The NT is more than the recorded religious experience of certain individuals, though it is that; it is more than the literary production of several creative writers, though it is that, too; indeed, it is no less than the authoritative written Word of God. Though these truths are rightly emphasized, it is not uncommon to observe that another facet of the NT is often overlooked, namely, the NT is also a record of the forming of Christian consciousness, which was shaped by the life and teachings of Jesus but also by the world that received it. That world gave the church its language as well as its literary forms for expressing its faith. The church’s Scriptures and ancestors were Jewish; its political and legal frameworks were Roman; among its religious antecedents were a curious blend of several Near Eastern traditions. The NT reflects this background, and the careful exegete will consider all of these aspects.

In this chapter we will survey the period from Alexander the Great to the Bar Kochba revolt.[1] First, we will identify and list the major primary sources. Second, we will briefly survey the people and events of Judean history. Third, we will outline the major forms of Jewish religious expression by focusing upon Judaism’s parties and sects. Finally, we will survey Hellenistic forms of religious expression in order to give the student an overview of the milieu. Throughout each of these discussions we provide ample references in the notes for further study.

Sources for Background Studies

Literary

The OT is an important Jewish source, particularly the portions of certain books which relate to the Maccabean period (e.g., Daniel). The OT apocrypha and pseudepigrapha are also valuable background documents. Although the historical value of many of these documents remains in question, they reflect social, religious, cultural, and theological developments and are therefore highly significant.[2] 1 and 2 Maccabees are exceptions to this generalization and as such are helpful historical documents.[3] Other important Jewish sources include Philo of Alexandria (ca. 20 B.C.–A.D. 50)[4] and Flavius Josephus (A.D. 37–100).[5]

In general, the Greek and Latin authors paid relatively little attention to matters in Palestine. Nevertheless, some writers did mention this and other regions that are of enough general importance that they merit reading. These authors include: Polybius (ca. 203–120 B.C.; Polybius wrote a forty-volume world history); Diodorus Siculus (1st century B.C.; Diodorus recorded an historical survey); Strabo (ca. 64 B.C.–A.D. 21; Strabo included commentary on Palestine); Livy (ca. 59 B.C.–A.D. 17; Livy particularly concerned himself with foreign policy, and mentioned Palestine); Tacitus (ca. A.D. 55–110; besides general history Tacitus included a survey of Jewish history to the First Jewish War); Suetonius (A.D. 69–140; Suetonius included biographies of the Roman emperors from Augustus to Domitian); Appian (2d century A.D.; Appian wrote about the period from ca. 133–27 B.C.); and Dio Cassius (ca. A.D. 155–235; Dio concerned himself with the events from 69 B.C.–A.D. 46).[6]

Since 1947 many scrolls, fragments, papyri, and ostraca discovered near the Dead Sea have been studied. These artifacts date from about 200 B.C. to A.D. 135. The information gleaned from these materials is invaluable because it gives an insight into Jewish religion and politics, especially when the Hasmoneans ruled.[7] Because of the difficulty in generalizing the situation at Qumran to the whole of Palestinian Judaism, this background should be dealt with judiciously and conclusions from this material must be carefully nuanced.

Rabbinic literature includes the Mishnah, the Tosephta, the Talmuds, the Midrashim, and the Targums. This material originated after A.D. 70 and must be used carefully because of the danger of drawing conclusions about Jewish traditions in the NT era from sources written after the destruction of Jerusalem. The Mishnah had its final redaction around A.D. 200 and contains a collection of laws and legislation purportedly based on the OT. The rabbis taught that the Mishnah was derived from Moses via oral tradition.[8] The Tosephta (final redaction about A.D. 500)[9] contains sayings which, for some reason, were omitted from the Mishnah.

Thinkers who concerned themselves with explicating the Mishnah produced works called the Gemara. The combined work of the Mishnah and the Gemara is known as the Talmud. There are, however, two Talmuds: the Jerusalem or Palestinian Talmud (final redaction about A.D. 500) and the Babylonian Talmud (final redaction about A.D. 700). The latter is generally regarded as more significant.[10] The Midrashim are commentaries on the OT produced in the first few centuries A.D.[11] The Targums are translations of the OT into Aramaic, though at certain points it is better to call them paraphrases. Since such Targums were found among the discoveries along the Dead Sea, it seems likely that their existence goes back into the intertestamental period. The two principle Targums are Targum Onkelos to the Pentateuch and Targum Jonathan to the former and latter prophets.[12]

Archaeological

Through archaeology we are able to partially reconstruct patterns of settlement, architecture, living conditions, cultural developments, and so on. Moreover, the study of ancient artifacts (e.g., inscriptions, coinage, ostraca, etc.) is a tremendous help in the reconstruction of an era. For example, numismatics (the study of coins) has revealed titles and claims of rulers, current ideas, religious and political symbolism, and chronology.[13]

Judean History[14]

The Greek Period

When the Israelites returned from their captivity in Babylon, the Persians were in power (539–331 B.C.), but their empire collapsed when confronted with Alexander III (the Great) at Issus in 333 B.C. Upon Alexander’s death (323 B.C.) his empire was divided among his generals, the so-called Diadochoi, or “successors.” By the third century B.C. three dynasties originating from Alexander’s generals were well established: (1) the Ptolemaic in Egypt and Coele-Syria; (2) the Seleucid in Babylon, upper Syria and Asia Minor; and (3) the Antigonid in Macedonia. A fourth dynasty, unrelated to the Diadochoi, the Attalids of Pergamum, also had been established in Asia at the expense of the Seleucids. This division remained fairly stable until the Roman invasion.

Ptolemaic rule over Palestine (301–246 B.C.) was important economically because it meant controlling trade and caravan routes. Militarily, Palestine was crucial for Egypt because it formed a strategic front line of defense against the Seleucids. In the first (274–271 B.C.) and second Syrian wars (260–253 B.C.) Egypt was successfully defending Palestine against the attacks of the Seleucids. Despite these wars, most of Palestine was left unscathed. Judging from the first fifty years of Ptolemaic rule, it is not impossible to believe Polybius’s report that the people were pleased with Ptolemaic rule.[15]

The second fifty years of Ptolemaic rule (246–198 B.C.), however, was not as agreeable. When the third Syrian war (246–241 B.C.) broke out, Onias II, the acting high priest, refused to pay taxes. Ptolemy III then sent a delegation to pressure Onias to pay tribute. Joseph, Tobias’s son, took a stand against Onias; he was pro-Ptolemaic, if not Hellenistic. This probably marked the beginning of the controversy between the Oniad and Tobiad families. Joseph apparently was appointed to collect taxes, and did so with abject cruelty. Along with the rise of Joseph, however, also came economic boom. From this time forward the classical authors paid attention to Jerusalem; it was no longer a nugatory state arranged around a temple and neglected by most of the world.[16] The fifth Syrian war (202–198 B.C.) brought Antiochus III, the Seleucid king, control of Palestine. Thus the Tobiads switched their allegiance from the Ptolemies to the Seleucids. Seleucus IV (187–175 B.C.), eldest son of Antiochus III, was the next king, but Antiochus IV, also the son of Antiochus III, who had been held hostage in Rome, was released and seized the throne.

The Maccabean Period

Antiochus IV (175–164 B.C.) inherited a kingdom that lacked political and economic stability. He therefore attempted to stabilize it through a vigorous program of hellenization. Antiochus also wished to restore the Seleucid kingdom to its former glory, so he launched a campaign against Egypt that proved so successful that Rome ordered Antiochus to withdraw. Meanwhile, Onias III, a conservative high priest, was displaced by his pro-Hellenist brother Jason after Jason bought the position from Antiochus. A short while later Jason was ousted by Menelaus, the brother of the captain of the temple. Menelaus offered Antiochus even larger sums of money. In order to pay Antiochus, Menelaus embezzled from the temple. Menelaus’ pilfering caused a Jewish uprising that Antiochus quelled on his way back from Egypt. Smarting from humiliation by the Romans, Antiochus quelled this Jewish uprising with a strong hand and accelerated the process of hellenization. Since the Jews resisted, Antiochus decided to enact the final measure which, in effect, outlawed Jewish religion. He suspended regular sacrifices, banned all feasts as well as the Sabbath, outlawed circumcision, and prohibited the reading of the Torah. Jews were forced to eat swine, heathen altars were erected, and in December, 167 B.C., the altar of burnt offering was replaced by an altar to Zeus upon which a pig was sacrificed.[17]

These measures merely galvanized Jewish resistance. The resistance was basically nonmilitary until a priest named Mattathias, the father of a family called the Hasmoneans, killed one of the king’s officials. After killing the official, Mattathias fled into the wilderness and organized guerrilla warfare against Antiochus. Mattathias died in 166 B.C., and his third son Judas became the leader of a victorious movement (see 1 Macc. 2:42–70). In December, 164 B.C., the temple was rededicated. With religious freedom secured Judas then sought political freedom, but he was killed in battle (160 B.C.) and his brother Jonathan took his place. Jonathan continued to fight against Syria until his death in 143 B.C. Simon, another brother, succeeded Jonathan and shortly thereafter gained complete political independence from Syria and signed a peace treaty with Rome. For the first time since the beginning of the Babylonian exile, the political yoke of the Gentiles had been broken.

In 1 Maccabbees 14 Simon and his brothers are publicly praised for their political and military accomplishments. The crowd then elects Simon to be the high priest until a prophet should arise. Before 152 B.C. only bona fide descendants of Zadok had been allowed to be high priests; therefore, it is not surprising that the appointment of a non-Zadokite to the hereditary high priesthood caused significant controversy. Simon reigned until Ptolemy, his son-in-law, killed him in an attempted coup d’état in 135 B.C.[18] Simon’s son John Hyrcanus succeeded him, and by the end of his reign he had secured a kingdom which, broadly speaking, was equivalent to Solomon’s.

Aristobulus I, John’s son, succeeded Hyrcanus, but died a year later in 103 B.C. Alexander Janneus (103–76 B.C.), the third son of Hyrcanus, followed with a reign of military conquest. Before he died (76 B.C.), Alexander had increased Israel’s borders to include Judea, Samaria, Galilee, the Philistine coastal region, and a large portion of the Trans-Jordan. After Alexander’s death, Salome Alexandra, his widow (76–67 B.C.), became Israel’s political head. Since she could not be high priest, she appointed Hyrcanus II, her oldest son, to the post. All things considered, Salome’s reign was fairly peaceful. In the international arena, Pompey, the Roman general, was flexing Rome’s muscles, and in 64 B.C. Syria became a Roman province. Rome now was interested in Judean affairs more than ever.

The Roman Period

Aristobulus II (67–63 B.C.), younger son of Salome, defeated Hyrcanus II, his older brother and high priest, and succeeded Salome. In 63 B.C. the Roman general Pompey captured Jerusalem, which ended the Hasmonean dynasty and Jewish independence. Israel lost all its territory except Judea, Galilee, Idumea, and Perea. Antipater, whose father had been named proconsul of Idumea by Alexander Janneus, was the one with the political muscle. Antipater assigned his sons, Herod and Phasael, the task of governing Jerusale...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Editor’s Preface to Series
• Editor’s Preface to Introducing New Testament Interpretation
• Contributors
• Introduction: The Challenge of New Testament Study for Evangelicals Today
• 1. New Testament Background
• 2. New Testament Textual Criticism
• 3. New Testament Greek Grammatical Analysis
• 4. New Testament Word Analysis
• 5. Sociology and New Testament Exegesis
• 6. New Testament Theological Analysis
• 7. The Function of the Old Testament in the New
• Selected Bibliography
• Notes
• Back Cover