Contemplating Bureaucracies: A Tale of Identities â Essay 4
David John Farmer
âIt was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishnessâ (Dickens, 1859/1940, p. 1), it was the age of wave-particle duality, the age of the uncertainty principle (Ford, 2011, p. 2), it was the epoch of the post-traditional, it was the epoch of the business entrepreneur as hero. This fourth essay aims for the creation of an ever-upgrading post-traditional consciousness that can revitalize governance and bureaucracy. To the reader, it recommends prefacing contemplating bureaucracies by contemplating the post-traditional. This essay discusses, in turn, the traditional and the post-traditional in terms of my identity as a professor, and offers suggestions for the reader to contemplate the post-traditional. It follows Essay 3, which contemplated traditional American and traditional foreign kinds of bureaucratic practice. Contemplating Cops (in Essays 1 and 2) preceded this continued contemplation of bureaucracies.
I have participated in traditional public administration as a user and in post-traditional public administration as a contributor. These terms, âuserâ and âcontributor,â overlap somewhat. The using has to include interpreting the traditional for others, including bureaucracies, and contributing has to utilize the giant steps that others have made. I have done so when my identity as a professor has shifted to some extent. For instance, the university adjusted my title post-1991 to âpublic administrationâ and post-2011 to âphilosophy and public affairs.â Also, there have been other shifts in many universities, where there now seem to be many more well-paid administrators eager to gain ever more customer-students.
Readers may wish to consider how usefulâor notâpost-traditional public administration is for contemplating the usual public bureaucracies. Those who are professors may wish to evaluate their own work identities within their university bureaucracies. For instance, to what extent is your perspective facilitated or diminished by the heavy reliance on disciplinary specializationârunning against the idea, for instance, of epistemic pluralism. Especially before attaining tenure, work identity at universities is frequently unfortunately restrictive in terms of disciplinary boundaries. An academic paper outside of the boundary may not even be counted, and the old saying (I donât know if it is true) is that âa dean can count but s/he cannot read.â (After the long wait for the final promotion, there may be even less eagerness to step outside the well-trodden zone.) However, and as noted in Essay 2, I usually taught one course per semester out of my title area, e.g., political theory (usually ancient and medieval) and economics. And I recall the way that one of my deans, who was an economist, would speak to me in a friendly way about âour science.â Yes, a university identity is freeing; but could it be even more free? Maybe readers might wish to examine the impact of their contexts on their university identities.
This essay is divided into three sections: âTraditional,â âPost-Traditional,â and âContemplating the Post-Traditional.â
Traditional
Traditional or modern(ist) or mainstream public administration achieved, in my view, both good (and bad) results. The impetus to public administration practice has also been sometimes positive but also constricted. As I wrote of modernist public administration in The Language of Public Administration
Modernist Public Administration is valuable, yet limiting. The public administration literature grows larger and stronger, but it is limited as an explanatory and catalytic force in resolving the problems of bureaucracy âŠ. As a matter of history, public administration has gone from an early optimism about reform and about establishing a science to (or perhaps through) a period of concern about an identity crisis, a crisis about the nature of public administration. (Farmer, 1995, p. 34)
Variations are indeed available in traditional public administration, no less than in post-traditional, views. For one example of the traditional, a loose liaison can be, and has been, made in many academic programs between public administration and public policy and/or political science. But such marriages are not always straightforward. The situation is yet more complex in two respects. First, compelling arguments exist denying that public administration (or political science or public policy) is a science: a student would have to understand epistemology to know why. Second, some âdisciplinesâ are even narrower than public administration. In terms of subject, some limit the subjects to particular program areas, e.g., police policy and administration. Public administration has no such âone-policy-programâ limitation: yet it is constricted by limits (noticed at the beginning of Essay 3) like that of the signature dichotomy and constricted macro practicality (noticed later).
The history of traditional American public administration can be described in terms of a profusion on the surface of pre-paradigms (pre-paradigms because they are not scientific paradigms), and these can be (and have been) orderedâto give, at a minimum, the impression of orderly progress. Relying on Stillman (1991) and others, I (2010, pp. 20â23) have described examples of such orderings in terms of periods:
Before World War II
Human relations
PostâWorld War II challenge to POSDCORB (planning, organizing, staffing, directing, coordinating, reporting, budgeting)
Heterodoxy
Oppositional emphasis in 1960s and 1970s
New Public Management
Pluralist or disconnect
Other âprettifiedâ versions of ordering are also noted (e.g., McCurdy, 1972):
Administrative reform movement (1870â1926)
Orthodox period: administrative science movement (1906â1952)
Politics period (1935â1967)
Human relations and behavioral science (1933âpresent)
Program effectiveness (1964âpresent)
âIdeas about public administration that jelled into an identifiable field of study have, by and large, reflected the particular contours of state developments in the United States,â claims Stillman (1991, p. 105).
I was a user of traditional public administration when I worked for the Saskatchewan (1960â1961) and the Ontario governments (1962â1965), for Public Administration Service (1965â1970), for The Jacobs Company (1970â1971), for the New York City Police Department (1971â1974), for the National Institute of Justice (1974â1980), and for Virginia Commonwealth University (1980â1991). See the descriptions in the earlier essays. Clearly, my identityâduring all these periodsâembraced traditional public administration. But eventually there came a recognition of limitations.
Let me explain. Later study (referenced in Essay 2) at the University of Virginia (UVA) for my Ph.D. in philosophy took place when I was chair of the Department of Administration of Justice and Public Safety at Virginia Commonwealth University (1983â1991), adding to my Ph.D. in economics from the University of London. This study of philosophy awakened meâwith a joltâto the inadequacy of traditional public administration. The jolt was accidental in the sense that it arose as a side-effect in my mind: and I am not suggesting that any of the philosophy professors had any interest or knowledge of public administration. The chief joys experienced at UVAâs Corcoran Department of Philosophy included studying the ancient Greeks and writing a masterâs thesis on âAristotle: Persistence of Matter.â Chief joys also included studying modern philosophers (the âusual suspectsâ) and writing a dissertation and a book on Time and McTaggartâs Paradox. The jolt came when, for one of my last classes, I enrolled for an evening seminar with Richard Rorty, a distinguished philosopher located from 1982 to 1988 in the English Department at UVA. Incidentally, I read his Philosophy and the Mirror of Nature. But what staggered me about this class on the later Freud was focusing on the works of the French postmodernistsâlike Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, Jean Baudrillard, Gilles Deleuze, and FĂ©lix Guattari. So began that direction in my reading. And, when I shifted to VCUâs Graduate Department of Public Administration on an affiliate basis in 1986 and on a full-time basis in 1991, I began to write my 1995 book titled The Language of Public Administration: Bureaucracy, Modernity, and Postmodernity. It analyzes the public administration dialect of modernityâdiscussing the limits of particularism, of scientism, of technologism, of enterprise, and of hermeneutics. Then it analyzes the dialect of postmodernityâof imagination, of deconstruction, of deterritorialization, and of alterity. The bookâs epilogue comments that the aim in studying âthe postmodern and modern frameworks [was] to struggle away from a unidimensional and distorted understanding of public bureaucracy and public administrationâ (Farmer, 1995, p. 146).
Post-Traditional
Post-traditional public administration theory seeks imaginization, and it includes not only the postmodern but also other elements like epistemic pluralism, critical theory, ethics, philosophy, neuroscience, and economics â transforming the traditional, the mainstream. This section notes my activity as a contributor. The post-traditional (like the traditional) does underscore that it is important to recognize that our identity and context shape what we know and what âknowingâ means. It is no less important to appreciate what they shape us not to know.
Imaginization
Post-traditional public administration theory aims for contemplation/imaginization of bureaucracies and all that constitutes the identity and context of governance bureaucracies. This requires radical and challenging changes. Donât worry that this sounds impractical; the 9/11 National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States recommended that âit is therefore crucial to find a way of routinizing, even bureaucratizing, the exercise of imaginationâ (9/11 Commission, 2004, p. 344). As explained in To Kill the King, âImagine imagination pervading all of governance for all major aims, as much as for government outwitting terrorism. Imagine that an adequate sense of imagination is more than merely connecting dots. What would be required for such a reign of imagination? I suggest that this rule of imagination requires post-traditional governance and bureaucracyâ (Farmer, 2005, p. xi). It also quotes another claim by the 9/11 National Commission (2004, p. 344): that âimagination is not a gift usually associated with bureaucracies.â
I explain post-traditional imaginization as including thinking as play, justice as seeking, and practice as art (Farmer, 2005) â and six chapters are devoted to discussing each. Such activities are intended to refer both to bureaucracy and also to the context of bureaucracy and the identity of bureaucrats and others. For instance, part of the context of governance is not only the state of the public sector but also of the private sector, and shortly we will again comment on the aggressive or warlike character of what I and others would call the religion of the free market that is part of the private sector context. This religion of free enterprise is what is added, as an extension of the Dickensian quote in the first sentence, as âthe epoch of the business entrepreneur as hero.â The first aim of these three elements of imaginization, as is explained in the bookâs preface, is a new consciousness. The second is that the subjects transcend current disciplinary constraints.
I have advocated this major aim o...