Women Voters in Indian Elections

Changing Trends and Emerging Patterns

Sanjay Kumar, Sanjay Kumar

• Publisher: Routledge India
• Year: 2021
• ISBN:
  9781000424867
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politik & Internationale Beziehungen
• Subtopic: Politische Korruption & Fehlverhalten

This book looks at different dimensions of political participation of women voters in India. Elections in India have witnessed an increasing electoral participation of women, both as political actors and as voters. Taking note of this positive development, the book looks at what has contributed to this increased turnout among women voters in Indian elections and discusses in detail the factors that facilitate or hinder this participation. Drawing on empirical data from 11 Indian states, it looks at key issues like the voting behaviour and political activities of Indian women; individual and motivational factors affecting participation; the political socialization of women at home; the role of internalized patriarchy and political opinions; along with the challenges faced by women in attaining representation in Indian politics.

An important contribution in the study of voting patterns, this book will be indispensable to scholars and researchers of political studies, women's studies, gender studies, sociology, Indian politics, political sociology, voting behaviour and South Asian studies. It will also be useful for journalists and activists.

1 Patterns of women’s political participation in India

An introduction

Sanjay Kumar

In Indian political culture, women have mostly been considered as subordinate political actors. In 1987, Gail Omvedt wrote ‘the exclusion of women from political power has been marked by more than their exclusion from “productive” work or even property rights’ (Economic & Political Weekly, 2019). For a very long time, from local politics to national-level politics, women’s political participation has remained restricted with regard to their roles as both voters and elected representatives, though there have been some changes in this regard in the recent past. Recent elections have witnessed the increased electoral participation of women voters. One of the main reasons offered for the limited participation of women in Indian politics is women’s inability to make independent political decisions; many of them depend on male family members. Numerous studies have endorsed the perception that women have consistently heeded others’ advice and voted with their families (Deshpande 2009; Sardesai & Attri, 2017). Women have often been considered a ‘rubber stamp’ not only in terms of voting in elections, but also as political representatives, and their decisions are viewed as largely influenced by the male members of an institution.

Gender equality with regard to women’s inheritance rights in India

As we come close to completing the first two decades of the twenty-first century, gender inequality continues to pervade many aspects of society, though some of the changes in recent years have tried to bridge this gender divide. The Hindu Succession Act, 1956 was recently amended by the Supreme Court to correct an anomaly that was discriminatory towards women in terms of the inheritance of property. The verdict settles the question of whether the coparcenary right of daughters comes into effect only if the father through whom they claim that right was alive on the day the amendment came into force. It has been categorically ruled that the daughter’s right flows from her birth and not from any other factor (i.e., whether or not the father was alive on the day the amendment came into force). The court has conferred equal status as a coparcener on daughters in Hindu families governed by Mitakshara law, and this right is accrued by birth. The coparcenary status given to daughters has been a subject of reform in many states, particularly in south India, long before the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) regime brought in the amendment for the whole country. Kerala had introduced legislation in 1975, Andhra Pradesh in 1986, Tamil Nadu in 1989 and Maharashtra and Karnataka in 1994 (The Hindu, 2020).

Towards gender parity with regard to marriage and employment

In a recent judgment, the Supreme Court of India ruled that women officers in the army should be entitled to permanent commission and command postings in all services other than combat, and they have to be considered for it irrespective of their service length. It held the Central Government’s policy of restricting the permanent commission to Staff Selection Commission (SSC) women officers with less than 14 years of service as violating the right to equality. The judgment was delivered in response to the defence ministry’s petition challenging the 2010 Delhi High Court verdict that ruled that female SSC officers in the army and Indian Air Force (IAF) should be granted permanent commission on par with male SSC officers. The Centre issued a notification in February 2019 granting permanent commissions to SSC officers in the army. However, as per its proposal, only female SSC officers with up to 14 years of service were to be considered (R. Singh, 2020).

There is another step the government is taking for bringing about gender equality in Indian society. It is raising the minimum marriage age of women from 18 to 21 to bring it in line with the minimum marriage age of men. Two crucial reasons that make it necessary to update the law again. The first is to improve female health. According to a United Nations Population Fund report, India is home to one in three child brides in the world. Early marriages causing early pregnancies are inherently linked to higher rates of malnourishment and maternal and infant mortality. Although the maternal mortality rate has been declining, the move to increase the minimum age of marriage could contribute to this decline. Second is the promise of equality made to women under the Constitution. There is no reason for the law’s presumption that the minimum age of marriage must be different for men and women. It perpetuates benevolent sexism and the stereotype that women are more mature and therefore can be given greater responsibilities at a younger age compared to men. The reflection of patriarchy in personal laws must change to fit the framework of the Constitution (The Indian Express, 2020).

Women’s electoral participation: The Women’s Reservation Bill

While the government is trying to bring about change in the status of women by legislation, it has failed to increase women’s representation in legislative bodies. Even though the government has not taken any step in this direction, there are noticeable changes with regard to women’s participation in electoral politics as voters, i.e., increasing turnout in elections. Although women in virtually all countries around the world have voting rights, it is only a handful of nations that their share of seats in the main national legislative body of the country is greater than 30%, a number commonly considered as a critical mass necessary for women to exert a substantial influence on politics. Though worldwide, the average woman’s participation in the national parliament is just 10%, it varies widely across countries. Among the affluent industrialized countries, Sweden has the highest share of women legislators at 40%, while in Japan the figure is a mere 5%. In several less developed countries, the percentage is even lower.

The Women’s Reservation Bill, or The Constitution (108th Amendment) Bill, 2008, is pending before Parliament. This bill proposes to reserve 33% of seats for women in the Lok Sabha, (Lower House of Parliament of India) and in state legislative assemblies of all the states. When the Women’s Reservation Bill first appeared as the 81st Amendment Bill in 1996, proposing to reserve 33% of seats in Parliament for women, it was looked upon as a feminist issue, and it continues to be debated largely in terms of women’s rights. The argument made in favour of reservations was that the reservation of seats for women was necessary on account of the generally patriarchal character of political parties, which were reluctant to field women candidates. Reservations would increase the number of women in Parliament, and the elected women legislators would be able to act as a strong pressure/interest group in Parliament. At present, their being in small number inhibits their effective participation in electoral politics. The presence of more women in Parliament and state legislative assemblies would lead to a positive change in society. Women’s voices and presence would help to understand and bring to centre stage the perspectives of women.

Arguments made against reservations were mainly that this change would run counter to the principle of equality enshrined in the Constitution. It was also felt that women cannot be equated to socially backward communities, as women are not a socially homogeneous group. The point was also made that such a system of reservations would lead to similar demands from other groups and communities, thus posing a threat to social cohesion. The Committee set up for the Women’s Reservation Bill, decided by a majority to uphold the position taken in the Constituent Assembly and rejected the proposal for reservation of seats for women in Parliament and state assemblies. The Rajya Sabha passed the bill on 9 March, 2010. However, the Lok Sabha never voted on the bill. The bill is still pending before the Lok Sabha.

The alternative proposal to reservations in Parliament was that political parties should reserve for women candidates a proportion of the total seats the party would like to contest. The former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh and Samajwadi Parties leader, Mulayam Singh Yadav, first made the suggestion in 1998, but it was not seriously considered. This issue has been debated few times, but political parties are yet to come to a conclusion. There has been some movement on this front during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Even though there are no formal rules that require political parties to give tickets to women, two political parties made a good beginning during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections, thus setting an example for other political parties. First, it was Naveen Patnaik, which gave tickets to seven women candidates to contest the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. This was followed by Mamata Banerjee, which fielded 17 women candidates in West Bengal during the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. It is important to note that of the total 24 women contestants from these two states, 14 women were elected to the Lok Sabha from these two states. One can only hope that other political parties will learn lessons from this and follow them in their own states.

We can only hope that the Odisha and West Bengal model is implemented in other states, but political parties may take some time before they follow in these footsteps. Using evidence from National Election Studies, Rajeshwari Deshpande’s artic...