Memoirs of General de Caulaincourt - The Russian Campaign

Général de Division Armand Augustin Louis de Caulaincourt, Duc de Vincence, Jean Hanoteau, Hamish Miles

• Publisher: Wagram Press
• Year: 2011
• ISBN:
  9781908692689
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Napoleonic Wars
• Index: History

Recognized as the most important Napoleonic source discovered in the last hundred years, the three volume memoirs of Napoleon's Master of Horse are also exceptionally well written, and vividly portray Napoleon during his disastrous last years of power. The memoirs of one Napoleon's most senior ministers and closest advisors, with whom he was often very candid, remained unpublished for over a century since they were left by Armand de Caulaincourt, unearthed with by Jean Hanoteau who was eminently familiar with the period, and on part of the French ministry of War's historical section. The notes and annotations of Capitaine Hanoteau illuminate the text for both the enthusiast of the period and the general reader.
The title of "Master of Horse' perhaps in modern light does not quite reflect the position that Caulaincourt held within Napoleon's inner circle. He was responsible for all of the transportation for Napoleon's headquarters, the messengers that provided the eyes and ears of the campaign and furthermore he was ambassador to Russia for a number of years before hostilities commenced. A highly decorated cavalry officer before his tenure as ambassador, his advice should have been invaluable to the Emperor in assessing the huge undertaking of attacking the Russian empire, and Caulaincourt along with many others were ignored as Napoleon embarked his last invasion. Caulaincourt had much reason to be bitter as the Emperor was quite cruel to him personally, but his narrative maintains balance and although critical of Napoleon's decisions he does not descend into recriminations.
The first volume of the memoirs includes an excellent introduction to Caulaincourt and his history outside of the time-frame of the memoirs; it covers the period 1811-1812 to the point of the Grand Armée's retreat from Moscow. Sketches of many of Napoleon's entourage including Berthier, Duroc, Murat et. al. feature, as do the battle for Smolensk, Borodino and the great fire of Moscow.
Not to be confused with the Charlotte de Sor penned "Recollections of Caulaincourt", which are apocryphal and according to Tulard of little or no value. This edition is superior to the translated and heavily editted Libraire edition.
Author – Armand Augustin Louis, marquis de Caulaincourt, Duc de Vincence (9th December 1773– 19th February 1827)
Translator – Hamish Miles (????- 27th December 1937)
Editor – Jean Hanoteau (17th December 1869 - 24th December 1939)

CHAPTER I

The St. Petersburg Embassy

THE events in Europe between 1807 and 1812 had so great an influence on those which followed later, by placing the balance of Europe's destinies into the hands of Russia, that I have felt it would be valuable to preserve the notes which I made regarding various circumstances of those years.

In writing them my sole motive was to keep an account of my life, my impressions, and my conduct. Since then I have come to regard them as indispensable material for the completion of the official part of my correspondence as Ambassador, and even, it may well be, for the history of that great epoch. For in that history everything connected with Russia is bound to be important, as that country was at the time second only to France in the affairs of the world.

My aim will be fulfilled if my notes help also to formulate opinion on the character and the political views of the Emperor Napoleon.

His words, his judgments and reflections, I believe, should form the best possible instruction for his son,{1} and offer the only explanation worthy of that great man which can be given to the public regarding the events which they judge and criticize without first-hand knowledge of them, and which men nearly always view with the hostility and injustice meted out to repay the great services of those whom fortune has deserted.

Admittedly, it will often be observed that the Emperor's energetic expressions have escaped my memory; but those who saw him at close quarters will find, I trust, his real thought, and at all times the certainty of my good faith.

The memorialist's style doubtless falls far beneath such a subject; but the reader's indulgence is deserved by the intention of the man who, in his view, is preserving, with these memories of great happenings, precious material for history. I have been so chary of seeming a flatterer, and my opinion inclined me so strongly to condemn the course of politics and the enterprises of this period. that what then seemed to me impartiality now strikes me as a frequently severe censure rather than the account of a friendly narrator. But I frankly offer my impressions just as I received them at the time, preferring to be blamed rather than to be under the suspicion of having altered what I wrote at the time of these events.

My notes were made everywhere, at my desk and in camp, every day and at all times of day; they are the work of every moment. I have touched up nothing and disguised nothing, because although there were moments when the man showed himself, it was the demigod whom one recognized most often. More than once the thought occurred to me that this journal, written under the very eyes of the Emperor, might fall- into his hands; but that reflection did not check my pen. This fact is an answer to those who have claimed that men could neither think nor speak nor write under his reign, and that the truth made him an irreconcilable enemy. No doubt the truth chilled his goodwill, but his strong and lofty character raised him above all criticisms made in good faith. I was confident that, as my notes were only the exact record of what I had said to him, they would seem to him injurious only if I published them as an attack on his policy and his fame.

This journal includes certain details previous to the date of my ambassadorship, collected subsequently to the period, when each event was proceeding. They may not all be genuinely interesting, but they have at least the merit of accuracy. Some of them, in my view, are indispensable for the explanation of various circumstances of my public career.

In the lives of men entrusted with public affairs, as in the progress of events, everything is closely linked up and connected with history. Subsidiary details are necessary because they often explain the circumstances which have brought about certain events. I am bound therefore to speak about myself. As the Congress of Erfurt was dovetailed into my ambassadorship, I have felt that it formed an essential part of my mission. The notes which I made with scrupulous accuracy from the time of the Emperor's arrival in Dresden in 1812 until his return to Paris after the Russian campaign have likewise seemed to me the essential completion of this first part.

If these pages should some day be read and severity imputed to me, I hope that allowance will be made for the happenings under the influence of which they were penned.

Many things, on the other hand, must be cut out, for although I have striven for accuracy and truth, my first resolve has been to injure no man.

Having written down all that the Emperor said to me just as if he had been dictating to me, it will be understood that this journal is but a sketch, and that I have reserved to myself the retention of only such condemnation as will be sternly demanded by historical truth, and will accordingly be indispensable in justifying eulogies.

At the time of Tilsit{2} the Emperor wished to appoint me as Ambassador to Russia. It was on my second refusal, at Königsberg,{3} that General Savary was despatched to Petersburg to take charge, pending the choice of an Ambassador.{4}

At that time I was anxious to find an opportunity of leaving the service and marrying.{5} The Emperor, thinking that I should be easier to persuade on my return to Paris, after having seen my friends, whom he believed to be the cause of my refusal, spoke to me on several occasions of this ambassadorship, but without altering my determination. Not even from General Duroc, whom the Emperor sent to persuade me, did I conceal my desire to enjoy some rest and to leave the service. Duroc went so far as to tell me that His Majesty demanded my acceptance of the embassy, if only for six months; that this was the only way by which my projected matrimonial affairs could be arranged; that my absence would smooth everything over; that the Emperor would give his consent, and everything would be agreeably settled during my absence in Petersburg. My plans for retirement seemed to him inadmissible so long as war continued. The Emperor, he told me, would make it an excuse for breaking that which I was concerned to conciliate. All that I could obtain from Duroc's loyal kindness was, that he would seize any favourable opportunity of mentioning my matrimonial plans, which were made difficult to carry out by my refusal to proceed to Petersburg.

In the end the Emperor had apparently given up the idea of appointing me to this post, for a few months later he sent as Ambassador the Comte de La Forest.{6} His arrangements were made; he was indeed just on the point of leaving for Petersburg in October, at the same time as M. Tolstoy, the

Russian Ambassador, was expected in Paris,{7} when the Emperor suddenly changed all his plans and reverted to his first idea, on the arrival at Fontainebleau of M. Eugene de Montesquiou, the orderly officer bringing despatches from General Savary, with whom he had spent a couple of months.{8}

"Savary is anxious to remain at Petersburg," he said to me, "but he is not the man for me there. He is useful to me here! He advises me that a 'military man is wanted, someone who can attend parades, a man whose age, manners, tastes and openness can win the favour of the Tsar Alexander, and whose diplomatic exterior does not undermine his confidence. Montesquiou tells me the same thing; I need there a man of good birth, whose manners, bearing and attentiveness to women and society are pleasing to the Court.{9} Montesquiou spoke to me frankly about this. La Forest's diplomatic gravity will scare the Tsar and be displeasing to the Court.{10} Alexander has retained kindly feelings towards you. You will be able to accompany him everywhere. You will be a general or an. aide-de-camp when necessary, an ambassador when that is called for. The affairs of the world centre there. . . . Universal peace depends on Petersburg. You must go."

Without giving me time to say a word, he entered into countless details about the Tsar Alexander, about Russia, about his information from General Savary,{11} and, without waiting for any reply, which he doubtless thought would certainly be no more affirmative than in the past, he urged on his horse, which he did not pull up until he was back in the centre of his party and was sure that I could not answer him. At the end of the hunt the Emperor again spoke about Russia, and mentioned what he called my absurd repugnance for affairs, talking about the services which could be rendered to France at that Court, the necessity of having there a man at once upright, devoid of all intriguing spirit, and a friend of peace.

"The maintenance of European peace," he said, "depends on it. It is the fair Mine de C---{12} who keeps you in Paris. But your affairs, as you wish to marry, will be settled better at a distance than near at hand."

I voiced a few arguments, the best I could think of, to lead his choice in other directions, but he seemed not to listen. On returning to the Palace, the Emperor told me to wait in his study immediately after his dinner, and to go in by the secretaries' entrance. An hour's conversation was devoted to proving that I owed my services to my country and my sovereign, and that I could not decline a mission which would not only be useful to them but honourable to myself. The Emperor told me that I would remain there only for one year, that my marriage arrangements would be settled during that time, and that on my return I should do as I pleased.

I marvelled at the patience, and, I may say, the kindness of the Emperor, for the obstinacy of my refusals and the obstructiveness of my "no's," with no good reason behind them were such as might have exasperated him extremely.

Early next morning he summoned me, and once again lectured me with the object of securing my consent. He left me in a genial mood and I thought my case was won, but an hour later Duroc came in to tell me that the Emperor insisted on my acceptance. I stood firm, and was the more inclined to think that the Emperor would look elsewhere as I had already noticed some irritation in him the previous evening. In the Emperor's apartments, when the Court assembled in the evening, he pointedly refrained from speaking to me, but my hopes were of short duration.

At the levee next day [November 2, 1807], without having said a word to me on entering beforehand, the Emperor announced his decision on the Petersburg embassy. As he was to leave within four days' time for Venice and Italy, this procedure enabled me to gauge the possible force of fresh representations on my part. I resigned myself.

An hour later the Emperor sent for me; his first words were: "Monsieur l'Ambassadeur.. . ." And then, "You're a stubborn fellow," he said, jokingly, and pinching my car. After repeating his remarks in previous conversations, he bade me give very detailed orders for the arrangements of his forthcoming journey, and to see to it that the functions which I exercised as Master of the Horse should not suffer through my absence. He asked for my promise to set off for Petersburg six days after his departure, and ordered me to remain at Fontainebleau until he himself left, so that we could thoroughly discuss matters.

At this moment M. Tolstoy arrived.{13} He was petted and caressed, but the first interchange of views showed the Emperor that this was not a man upon whom cajolery would have effect; he told me that he was imbued with prepossessions, even with many prejudices, but nevertheless had rectitude and a certain openness. He also complained to me that he had not wit enough to grasp and judge certain questions, that he was of a suspicious temper, and that this disposition of mind made him unsuitable for public affairs.{14} The truth is that his too obvious suspiciousness made him appear difficult to persuade. He had taken quite literally all the speeches and promises made at Tilsit. Public affairs were not his province, and he was ill at ease in his position and embarrassed a...