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The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls
Mona Eltahawy
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eBook - ePub
The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls
Mona Eltahawy
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About This Book
The Seven Necessary Sins for Women and Girls identifies seven sins women and girls are socialised to avoid anger, attention, profanity, ambition, power, violence and lust. With essays on each, Mona Eltahawy creates a stunning manifesto encouraging women worldwide to defy, disobey and disrupt the patriarchy. Drawing on her own life and the work of intersectional activists from around the world, #MeToo and the Arab Spring, Eltahawys work defines what it is to be a feminist now.
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â FIVE â
POWER
Like a LOT of Black women, I have always had to invent the power my freedom requires: All my life Iâve been studying revolution. Iâve been looking for it, pushing at the possibilities and waiting for that moment, when thereâs no room for rhetoric, for research or reason: when thereâs only my life or death to act upon. Here in the United States you do get weary, after a while; you could spend your best energies forever writing letters to the New York Times. But you know, in your gut, that writing back is not the same as fighting back.
âjune jordan, On Call: Political Essays, 19851
What is a powerful woman?
In 2014, my father and I went to a Cairo cafe to watch the final match of the World Cup, which is held every four years and that year was being hosted by Brazil. The match ended with Germany beating Argentina to once again clinch the cup. Despite our national teamâs failure to qualify for that yearâs
tournament, the cafe was full because Egypt is a country that loves football or, as you may know it, soccer. The menâs World Cup is the most-watched sporting tournament in the world, and by the time the final match was on, because of the time difference between Egypt and Brazil, Muslims who observe the holy month of Ramadan, which coincided with the 2014 tournament, had ended their fast and had flocked to cafĂ©s for coffee, tea, and water pipes.During the ceremony to hand out the cup to the winners, a boy sitting with his family at the table next to ours pointed at the television screen where a woman was standing at a podium, awaiting the players.
âWho is that woman, Baba?â the boy asked.
âThat is the president of Brazil,â his father replied.
âA woman can be president?â the boy asked.
I could not have orchestrated the moment better myself. I live for moments like that â when, for a brief moment, what seems impossible is right there in front of you. And after the World Cup final, when the entire world had tuned in to watch the most popular sporting event. I turned to the boy and launched into my teaching moment.
âThe World Cup this year is hosted by Brazil, which has a woman president. The two teams who just played in the final â Germany and Argentina â also have women leaders. Look, see that second woman on the stage? Thatâs the woman who is the leader of Germany,â I said, pointing to German chancellor Angela Merkel, who stood next to then Brazilian president Dilma Rousseff as the players shook hands and hugged
the leaders who awarded them medals. Only then Argentinian president Cristina FernĂĄndez de Kirchner was absent. âOne of these days, Egypt will have a president who is a woman,â I said. Who knew that a menâs sporting event would provide me with one of my feminist moments in my hometown!I wanted the boy and the two girls sitting with his family to know that women could be presidents and leaders. You need to see what you want to become. There was a time when women were powerful in Egypt. We had a god-king called Hatshepsut, who gained power during Dynasty 18 (1550â1295 BC) and for more than twenty years was the most powerful person in the ancient world.2 But in our modern era? I wanted to be able to point to someone who was still alive as a reminder to those three children that women could be powerful.
If we had had more time than just the trophy ceremony of the World Cup, I would have told those children that power is more complicated than who serves as presidents and chancellors. Power lives in more places than the presidential office, and there are other ways besides politics to be powerful. I would have launched into a longer feminist teaching moment in which I insist we must differentiate between power that dismantles patriarchy from power that is used in the service of patriarchy.
In the intervening years, two of the countries that were led by women during the 2014 World Cup have since served as reminders that when it comes to appreciating the impact of patriarchy on power, we must ask a much bigger and more complicated question than simply âCan a woman be president?â
We must ask equally pertinent questions: Is that woman feminist? Is she invested in dismantling patriarchy? Will she use her power to uphold or diminish patriarchy? Both Brazil and Germany have given us complicated answers.Brazil might have once elected a female president, but it remains solidly patriarchal. Just 15 per cent of Brazilâs federal and state legislators are women â an all-time high, according to Adriana Carranca in the Atlantic magazine.3 Rousseff, a former Marxist guerrilla who became Brazilâs first female president, was impeached by a corruption-tainted senate in 2016 for breaking budget rules.4 She was succeeded for an interim period by her vice president, a centre -right man who named an all-male, all-white cabinet and who lost three ministers accused of corruption in his first month in office. In October 2018, the far-right Jair Bolsonaro, an unabashedly misogynist, racist, and homophobic former army captain defeated the left-wing Workersâ Party candidate to become the president of Latin Americaâs largest democracy, which only ended twenty years of military rule in 1985.5
To appreciate how patriarchy works, and how it benefits from the very things it claims to fight, witness some of the men who set in motion Rousseffâs fall.
âIn late 2015, the then-leader of the evangelical bloc and speaker of the lower house, Eduardo Cunha (now serving a 15-year sentence in prison for graft), led impeachment proceedings against Dilma Rousseff, Brazilâs first female president; she was removed from office a year later. One of the congressmen who voted to oust her was Bolsonaro. He dedicated his vote
to Carlos Alberto Brilhante Ustra, the head of the military dictatorshipâs torture unit. Rousseff was among those tortured,â writes Carranca.There is a reason Bolsonaro, a character straight out of Misogyny Central, has been dubbed the âTrump of the Tropicsâ. He has used offensive language against women, gay people, Afro-Brazilians, and indigenous people. Chayenne PolimĂ©dio writes in Foreign Affairs that Bolsonaro âtold a female member of congress that he wouldnât rape her because âshe wasnât worthy of it,â explained that his sons would never love black women because his sons were âproperly raised,â and claimed that a particular secretary of womenâs issues shouldnât have been appointed because âshe was a dyke.ââ6 A father of five, Bolsonaro has said that his only daughter was born due to his wifeâs âweaknessâ.
If Bolsonaro reminds you of a certain American president, it is no wonder that on the day Bolsonaro was inaugurated, Trump tweeted the new Brazilian president gushing congratulations, telling him âthe U.S.A. is with you!â to which Bolsonaroâs Twitter account replied: âDear Mr. President @realDonaldTrump, I truly appreciate your words of encouragement. Together, under Godâs protection, we shall bring prosperity and progress to our people!â7
Similarly, interviews with female supporters of Bolsonaro echo much of the hatred and dismissal of feminism shared by Trumpâs female supporters. From the idea that Brazilian women donât need feminism because theyâre not victims to vehement assertions that men and women are equal to boasts 8
that if they could do it â âitâ being anything from being wealthy, to juggling work and family, to a host of other privileges â then all women should be able to with enough effort. Nearly always forgotten is that no matter how hard people from disadvantaged or marginalised backgrounds try, a host of inequalities bars them from getting the same opportunities as more privileged people. And much like their American counterparts who support Trump, female Bolsonaro supporters want the right to bear arms rather than the right to dismantle patriarchy â the root of misogynist violence â to protect themselves and their loved ones, the Guardian reported.Brazil is one of the most violent countries in the world for women. In 2017 there were 606 registered domestic violence cases and 164 rapes per day.9 The numbers could be higher. Those were just the ones that authorities registered.
I call women who vote for unabashedly misogynist candidates like Bolsonaro, especially knowing how dangerous Brazil is for women, foot soldiers of patriarchy. It is especially ironic that patriarchy enables and protects violence against women and yet at the same time presents itself as the great protector of women. That is what Bolsonaro did, presenting himself as a âfamily valuesâ and âlaw and orderâ candidate. The man who told a female member of Brazilâs congress â Maria do RosĂĄrio â âI would never rape you because you donât deserve it,â said during his campaign that he was the only candidate who was truly worried about violence against women because he proposed chemical castration for rapists, the Guardian newspaper reported.10
11 Bolsonaro voted against a 2015 âfemicideâ law â sponsored by do RosĂĄrio â which gave harsher sentences for homicides motivated by gender. In an interview on International Womenâs Day in 2017, he said that Brazilian women should âstop whining; stop with this story of femicideâ, the Atlantic reported.12 According to the BBC, in a 2016 television interview, he said that he wouldnât give a woman employee âthe same salary as a manâ because women get pregnant.13
When the man elected to lead a country is so openly misogynist, it gives a green light to other men that they too can behave as if womenâs bodies are fair game. And in a country where violence against women is so high, Bolsonaro is a reminder that when patriarchy offers to âprotect youâ it comes at a cost. According to the Guardian, a recent study found that 58 per cent of Brazilians agreed partially or fully with this statement: âIf women knew how to behave, there would be less rape.âThe Guardian reports that in 2013, Bolsonaro coauthored a bill proposing to revoke the right for rape victims to get legal abortions â this in a country remember where 164 rapes were registered every day in 2017.14 Several days before his election, Bolsonaro signed a âterm of commitmentâ with the Catholic Church, pledging to defend the âright to life, starting from conceptionâ. After his election, Bolsonaro said he would abolish Brazilâs human rights ministry and named the conservative evangelical pastor Damares Alves to run a newly created ministry of women, family, and human rights, as well indigenous people, estimated to number 900,000.15 Alves has said she wants ...