Hunger and Famine in the Long Nineteenth Century
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Hunger and Famine in the Long Nineteenth Century

Gail Turley Houston, Gail Turley Houston

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Hunger and Famine in the Long Nineteenth Century

Gail Turley Houston, Gail Turley Houston

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About This Book

The Hungry Forties and the Great Famine, with their horrifying monikers, deserve a section just for the many voices engaged in political, humanitarian, and social venues in juxtaposition to the voices of the starving. This volume shows how rhetoric itself experiences a crisis of representation in the face of such dramatic, tragic events: how does a culture deal with its own chosen guilty and irrational psychological motives for casting a blind eye to famine within its own borders?

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Information

Publisher
Routledge
Year
2022
ISBN
9780429582523
Edition
1
Topic
History
Index
History

Part 1
THE DEMISE OF THE SOCIAL CONTRACT

DOI: 10.4324/9780429198069-1
Throughout discussions of distress and famine in the Hungry Forties there lay the underlying question about the government’s responsibilities to its people; this may be coupled with an anguished sense on the part of many, including Thomas Carlyle, that the fabric of the culture was being irrevocably torn apart, with attacks upon Elizabeth 43 acting as ensamples of this decline. The following selections worry about how capitalism, Malthusian economics and lack of will on the part of the State were leading to a loss of community; there are also voices that see the lower classes and Celtic populations as a drag on the British economy and its seemingly more robust social network. After reading the bulk of these selections, one wonders why the British State was so slow to act in the face of the many calamitous events of the first half of the century; this continued dilatory behaviour haunts the second half of the century as well, particularly in light of the repeated famines in India. Such tardiness in responding brought up a common interrogatory plaint about England’s sense of exceptionalism: if it truly was the premier country in the world, why did it handle crisis across its homeland and empire so lackadaisically and amateurishly?

1
A., ‘What Does It Matter to the Unrepresented Whether a Tory or a Whig is Returned?’

Star in the East (14 September 1839)

DOI: 10.4324/9780429198069-2
This piece speaks all but directly to O’Connor’s 1846 article wherein he says that the poor must be part of the government or the whole state would eventually fail. Here the demonstrable end of society as Victorians knew it was being forecast in this anonymous radical voice that asserts that the disenfranchised had no reason to be interested in politics or parties. In other words, the starving stomach would become the only arbiter of ‘taste’ or bias on the part of the poor, a dangerous situation for the commonwealth. While the political parties, or ‘State-suckers’, as the writer refers to them, were busy fighting over the loaves and fishes, the labourers might eventually have reason to enter that fray with violent measures if they were constantly locked out—this would be the ultimate in the physical force argument that vexed and enthused radicals across the century. Ultimately the only political party this writer seems willing to trust are the ‘starving Chartists’.

1. A., ‘What Does It Matter to the Unrepresented Whether a Tory or a Whig is Returned?’, Star in the East (1839)

The Whigs have lost Cambridge—Mr. Manners Sutton, a sinecurist placeman, born of a family amongst the State-suckers, who have absorbed amongst them a larger share of the loaves and fishes, than almost any of the very numerous family of the ‘Sponges,’ has been returned.
What does it matter to the people which of the two parties succeed, as between them it is a mere struggle for place and patronage, and the Whigs have proved themselves as reckless in expenditure, in this respect, as the Tories ever were? They have cheered and hurrahed when the ‘Great Dan’ stirred up his mobs and societies by calling the Tories ‘robbers;’ and they have proved themselves to be of the same species as those whom they laud him for so christening. Dan gets his reward through his ‘tail.’ Mr. Shiel and Mr. Wyse are the two leading joints that have been oiled upon the present occasion; this increases his influence amongst the gentry of his tribe, and with a considerable influence in the appointments in Ireland, he is rewarded for his adhesion during the Session; and then goes Dan to the smaller fry in Ireland, and shout about Repeal and loyalty, and the necessity, at the same time, of supporting the Whigs, by returning his friends and servants Messrs. Shiel and Wyse, that they may hold on with the Whigs in England, whilst he raises smoke and wins the ‘rent’ from the ‘bravest pisantry in the world;’ and teaches them to hate the Chartists, whom Dan found he could not mystify, and whom, therefore, it was necessary to quarrel with, and, course, abuse. We know no other man who can, at the same time, hold and work with the Ministry and take sweets of patronage, and yet go to his mobs, and abuse that same Ministry and say, we must dissolve the union of the two countries on account of their bad government.
But to return to the Whigs, what matters it to the people—the masses in England—whether the money is taken from their pockets by the Whigs or the Tories? They are of one spirit as it regards the people; and the treadmill and Union Workhouses destroy the body no quicker under the one section than the other; the laws made by the one are not more unjust than those made by the other section, and both sections concur in enacting that a poor man shall neither be a law-maker or a juryman; and that, in a multitude of cases which affect his liberty, he shall not even be tried by a jury.
What does it matter to the blacks in America whether a Federalist or a Democrat is elected? He has no rights in either case; neither has the peasant or the factory laborer; nor has seven out of every eight of the men, nor any of the women, who live in Britain. They have no voice in making the laws, nor, in administering them; and the same men in England who condemn the Americans for supporting the Aristocracy of skin, sustain the Aristocracy of caste, and support precisely the same principles against labouring white-men. They can sympathize with a black-man with a full belly; but condemn a starving Chartist for seeking his right, asserting that every man, because he is a man, should have a vote in making any and every law which he is compelled to obey. We do not here compare the working men of England with slaves, but with the free people of color; and we challenge those who dispute the analogy between the two classes, to point out any essential difference between them.
What then, we ask, matters it to the laboring and unrepresented men in England whether a Whig or Tory be returned? It is but a choice between the two equally rotten halves of the same rotten orange. The Liberal Members, so called, were asked by Mr. Duncombe, at the beginning of the Session, to declare the Reform Bill had disappointed the expectations of the people, and should not be final, when they voted 426 against 36, the negative of these propositions.
The truth is, the system has been carried on so long as to be irreparable, without a resort to measures which the Aristocracy are not likely voluntarily to adopt. They are not so dull as to miss seeing that the monopoly of the land—the Corn-laws—the laws against the importation of every other description of food—the law of primogeniture—the exemption of landed property from legacy duty—must all be changed; and that a property tax, the only just mode of raising the expenditure of the State, are necessary incidents of real reform, and must then come, and much more that is equitable and just; and we fear that their dispositions are too much akin to those of the old man of the mountain, to justify any expectation that they will dismount, or even ease, the shoulders of the bearers.

2
Anon., ‘Clitheroe’

The Northern Star and Leeds General Advertiser (4 June 1842), p. 1

DOI: 10.4324/9780429198069-3
Often at Chartist meetings banners were carried, including the common refrain that many in the upper classes took as a threat, ‘Better die by the sword than die of hunger’. Similarly, one speaker purportedly said:
that they all meant to obtain arms, march up to Buckingham Palace, and demand the Charter. If the Queen granted it, well; but if not, they would know how to use their arms; and he hoped every man would get ready by their next meeting.
This is an example of the physical force argument. The large numbers that these protests drew gave the labourers hope while frightening the middle and upper classes—it is to be noted how often the Chartists and other radical groups pointed to their significant numbers of followers. In addition, a common trope in Chartist speeches and writings compared sinecures provided to the Queen, the vast royal family and their retainers out of the peoples’ taxes with the refusal of that same government to help labourers in times of need. In this piece, there is also a clear sense of the historical context; in other words, that they had been battling for their rights for 20 years, essentially since Peterloo (1819) where similar banners were carried. Saying it was the duty of the middle and upper classes to take care of the poor in times of distress, this article shows how the unity across the classes seemed to be fraying under capitalism. Again, it is important to note the textual interpolations of how the crowd responded as a means of accessing the literal voices of the labourers.

2. {Anon.] ‘Clitheroe’, Northern Star (1842)

A large public meeting was held on Enfield, on Sunday afternoon, May the 29th. The day was beautifully fine, and there could not be less than twenty thousand persons present[….] Mr. Marsden, from Preston, who came forward amidst loud cheers[,..] entered into a lengthy statement of our prospects; told the working men to take their own affairs into their own hands; that they must rely on their own strength, their own energy, and perseverance for the attainment of their just and inalienable rights, and concluded by reading the following document: To the enfranchised portion of the community, and all those possessed of political power. ‘Gentlemen,—You have hitherto governed us, whilst our part in the state hath been but to toil, to pay, and to obey. We have performed our part. With an immense debt, created by war and heavy taxes, still national credit hath been maintained; the nation’s dignity supported, and its wealth yearly increased. You must admit that it was your duty to have protected our labour in return, but reckless sepaulators have been allowed to indemnify themselves for their loss, the result of their avaricious schemes, by reduction in our wages. Thus year after year, have our wages been sinking, whilst a Corn Law has been supported, keeping provisions at a nearly unvarying price, in order that the class of landowners might continue to receive the same amount of rental. To make matters worse, machinery has been introduced to an extent so as nearly to supersede manual labour; and now, whilst one-half of the working population are deprived of all employment, the other half find it difficult to sustain life with all their toil. For twenty years we have petitioned and implored, but in vain—first, for a removal of the Corn Laws, then for Boards of Trade, and a diminution of the taxes; and the only way in which Government has acted in reference to us, has been by an endeavour to silence our complaints in dungeons and bastile, and getting rid of us by emigration. Our prospects are gloomy in the extreme. Nothing now presents itself but starving to death on our native soil—the land which our sires so nobly defended. We are now become convinced that appeals to you are useless; you have destroyed our confidence; the hopes so long and fondly cherished are forever blasted. Henceforth, on our own strength, and the justice of our cause, shall we rely; and look within ourselves for the elements of another and a better state of things. We long not for anarchy—we pant not for blood; but we cannot behold our wives discontented and unhappy, and our children famishing for bread, without an effort to relieve them. You who profess to be our friends, and would advise us to be patient, ease the pangs of hunger; or if that be not in your power, be silent; otherwise we can no longer view you as friends, but only as enemies in disguise. It is criminal to tell the starving to be patient, and proves your sympathy to be but rank hypocrisy. You profess to admire the forbearance we have hitherto manifested, and cry out peace, peace, whilst a war of famine, created by Mammon, is sending thousands to premature graves. What is your motive? We are not assassins; we wish not for plunder; we wish but for a fair remuneration for our labour, and to have that labour protected. It is all that we [have] to live by. We have no access to the land; that is monopolised by a few[.…] Ought then, we ask, a few wealthy capitalists to be allowed to monopolise our only remaining means of subsistence? Is this justice? Is this protection? Either give us labour for which we are to be properly paid; or if machinery must do the work, let us share the produce. Can any desire be more natural and just? But to whom must we appeal with so reasonable a request? Will landowners permit us to cultivate the land for ourselves, or will millowners allow us to enjoy the wealth derived from these machines? Yet these are our law-makers—to these alone we are necessitated to apply; and, though our request to us appears reasonable and just, to them it appears the most extravagant desire imaginable, and is scouted as such accordingly. On what, then, do you who affect to sympathise with us ground your hopes? Is this feeling and disposition on the part of our rulers about to change? Experience answers never; and that our present destitute condition is but the natural result of class-made law. We, therefore, tell our rulers calmly and deliberately that we can no longer bear the system of slow murder which they seem intent on following up. Better die by the sword than die of hunger; and, if we are to be butchered, why not commence the bloody work at once. (Immense cheering.) Life hath no charms when all prospect of happiness is gone, for happiness cannot exist without contentment; and where is contentment to be found without a sufficiency to satisfy the cravings of hunger, and something like comfortable food and raiment. The majority of our countrymen will never stand by and see injustice done when those who feel the bitterness of oppression nobly defend themselves—(hear, hears, and cheers), but crawling sycophancy and servile submission disgust every rational mind. We claim to be ranked as citizens, not as slaves[….] Can any man put his hand to his heart and say that the present salaries for officers of state should continue to be paid, whilst wrung from so much poverty and wretchedness as that which now fills the land? Against these things we war, and appeal to the understanding of all, and ask whether we are not justified in demanding their instant removal’ (great cheering.)

3
Anon., ‘Hope Deferred’

The Leeds Times (18 June 1842), p. 349

DOI: 10.4324/9780429198069-4
In this excerpt we see the motif comparing the condition of the labourer with that of the slave or the prisoner and also the suggestion that England had become like the ancien regime in France; the implication being that the poor thus had a right to revolt as the lower classes had done during the French Revolution. The French Revolution was certainly an overdetermined event, whose meanings and influence splayed across the century. The writer explains that all the labourer wanted was decent food, clothing and housing—their requests were not for luxury or what Dickens referred to in Hard Times as ‘turtle soup’, via Bounderby.
This becomes a common trope as well—all the worker wanted were a few comforts, including decent shelter, clothing and food. Like many of the entries here, this one lauds the extraordinary patience the lower classes had shown during these distressing times. But patience could only go so far when it was starvation that the labourer was being asked to be patient about. As the writer here suggests, the poor were breaking only those laws that had so oppressed them and kept them hungry. The following details are harrowing but illustrate a choice of rhetoric deemed necessary to jolt the middle and upper classes to attention:
In some districts, the poor are living on nettles and turnip-tops; in others on seaweed. Some try to sleep away their hunger; others commit crimes in order that they may get into gaols, where they are better fed as felons than as hard-working labourers. Others are living upon dead dogs, and putrid carrion such as beasts themselves refuse.
The member of the peerage referred to in the first sentence is Lord Arthur Kinnaird (1814–1887), a Whig who sought increased representation in Parliament for Scotland. It is to be noted that the piece refers to famine conditions in Ireland occurring before the Great Famine. The Romantic poet Robert Southey (1774–1843) and agriculturalist Arthur Young (1741–1820) are referred to at one point as well.

3. Anon., ‘Hope Deferred’, Leeds Times (1842)

It is only a few days since a member of the Peerage in his place in the House of Lords, said, ‘he had asked a gentleman connected with a town in which distress existed, how it was that the people had borne their sufferings with such patience: for he thought that if he (Lord Kinnaird) had seen his children perishing around him for want—if he had seen the felon in gaol better treated than the person willing to work—sooner than submit to this he thought he would have gone and helped himself.’ The Lordships who sat on the benches of the House of Lords, with well-filled stomachs, ‘laughed’ at this; on which Lord Kinnaird observed that ‘this might be a laughing matter to their lordships, comfortably seated on these benches, but it was no laughing matter to those who suffered from the distress.’ That it is in truth ‘no laughing matter’ to famish from want, and be driven to desperation in the attempt to appease the demands of hunger, has been sufficiently proved by the recent proceedings at Ennis, in Ireland, where two persons (one of them a woman—perhaps a mother whose children were famishing) have been shot by the police, and a number more severely wounded, in the a...

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