The problem of homelessness in American society has been a long-standing one, but it has not been until recently that an in-depth attempt was made to begin to understand the nature and scope of the problem (Institute, 1988). Not only have uniform definitions of “homeless” been lacking, but attempts to estimate the number of homeless left uncertainty about their numbers. The problem was also complicated because the homeless have traditionally been characterized as an alcoholic and impoverished group who represent a “Skid Row” subpopulation (Blumberg, Shipley, & Barsky, 1978).

A Skid Row has been described as a place where homeless people, primarily men, congregate after having “dropped out” from “normal” societal functions or demands, and who group together to drink and to sustain themselves. The image of a Skid Row can be traced back to the concept of post-Civil War hoboemia described by Anderson (1923). By the beginning of the 20th Century many cities began to experience the emergence of run-down neighborhoods, called “Skid Rows,” whose inhabitants consisted of largely unskilled older male laborers (over 50 years) rendered homeless due to economic influences (McCook, 1893). Many of these inhabitants had been arrested at least once for drunkenness.

The image of the Skid Row that emerged during the early 1900s was that of an impaired population characterized by excessive drinking, mental illness, criminal behavior and senility, which prevented them from working (Solenberger, 1911). This characterization contrasted with the finding of Cook (1910) who, a year earlier, described the men he interviewed as recently employed and of good character but as having turned to criminality by becoming homeless and being mistreated.

Skid Rows, however, did not become a major concern in America until the depression era, during which a marked increase in the homeless population was noted nationwide. Although studies of these populations in different locations reported deviations in the prevalence of various demographic characteristics, there was a generally consistent report of drinking, physical illness, including disabilities and mental illness (Stark, 1987).

The country’s involvement in World War II resulted in a pause in efforts to deal with the homeless, and interest in this group receded until the late 1940s. Straus (1946), in a comprehensive study of the homeless, indicated that the relationship between homelessness and alcoholism “is striking.” Homelessness, however, as described by Straus, is a complex condition encompassing a constellation of behavioral patterns, attitudes and social situations. He also described alcoholism as a complex condition and speculated about what alcoholism and homelessness had in common. Strauss found that such elements as parental influence, occupational status, and sociocultural factors were all related to these two conditions. Subsequent research by Straus and McCarthy (1951) found that although pathological drinking was present among most homeless men, a substantial portion of those men were not alcoholics.

The 1950s saw a shift to interest in “inner-city” problems, one of which involved a re-examination of Skid Row populations. Historically, the Skid Row population was equated with congregated street scenes, but it had apparently changed from the stereotype of the vagrant to more isolated islands of single room occupancy dispersed in different neighborhoods in cities (Siegal, Peterson & Chambers, 1975). These changes were attributed to urban renewal, expanded social security coverage, and increased difficulty in finding jobs due to advances in technology.

The research of the 1950s and 1960s reported that alcohol was present in varying proportions of homeless men living in Skid Row districts in different inner cities. Estimates ranged from 16.6 percent in Chicago in 1958, to 26 to 36 percent in New York City during 1963 and 1968, to 38 percent in Minneapolis in the early 1980s (Stark, 1987). Other common features found among Skid Row populations were mental illness, severe physical handicaps and unemployment. The Skid Row population generally tended to consist of older, primarily white homeless men who had developed their own subculture (Blumberg, Shipley, & Moor, 1971).

This Skid Row configuration started to change during the 1970s. It was becoming younger, encompassed more members of minority groups, and began to include Vietnam veterans. An increase in the number of mentally ill homeless and drug users was also noted (Reich & Siegel, 1978). Changes in the traditional Skid Row population were observed well into the 1980s. Homelessness groups now started to include increasing numbers of the elderly, women, children, minorities, the unemployed, displaced families, and the mentally ill (NIAAA, 1987).

The Skid Row emerged as a special gathering place for minority members of American society, especially for Native Americans. The emergence of the Skid Row Native American was seen as the product of a clash between traditional Native American cultures and nonnative or White value systems, resulting in significant acculturation stress (Heath, 1989). Graves (1971) suggested that the drunkenness, unemployment, police involvement, etc., are not inherently features of Indian behavior, but represent the impact of surrounding social structures that are similar for all people who are members of the same disadvantaged, economically deprived class. Westermeyer (1987) indicated that when attempting to comprehend drinking and drug use among members of minority groups, it is essential to consider that different societies ascribe different meaning, values, and attitudes to such behavior, and that an array of psychological, social and cultural interactions are related to different patterns of alcohol and drug use.

Anchorage is a relatively isolated community, lying between rugged snow-covered mountains, and Cook Inlet. One only needs to travel a few miles outside the city limits to discover pristine wilderness and wildlife. There are but two roads, one North, and one South. Going North, the Glen Highway connects to the Parks Highway, passing Denali National Park and on to Fairbanks. Going Northeast, the Glen highway links into alternative routes through Canada and the connecting 48 states (called the “Lower-48”). Going south of Anchorage the Seward Highway leads to either Homer or Seward. Many communities, especially Alaskan Native communities, are not connected to Anchorage by road. Air transportation is necessary, and this is expensive. Thus geographical isolation and transportation costs make it very difficult for any homeless individual to relocate or to return home after having migrated to Anchorage.

Anchorage has social services not available in other Alaskan communities. Some individuals associated with street life pursue seasonal work through the fishing industry and tend to return to Anchorage for these services.

Anchorage, being in the Southcentral part of the state, usually has a more moderate climate than regions to the north. The weather, however, is variable and unpredictable, with deep cold spells followed by thaws in mid-winter. Annual snow fall averages 70 inches. The coldest month is January when the average high temperature is 22°F. The homeless are particularly vulnerable during the months of December through March when daylight hours and temperatures are at their minimum. Lives are lost every winter despite availability of services. In summer, temperatures average 58 degrees with many days being in the 60 to 70°F range, with 18–19 hours of daylight.

A Skid Row population exists in the downtown district of Anchorage, Alaska. A study of this population (Kelso, Hobfoll, & Peterson, 1980) found that the composite character of the street population was not essentially different from Skid Row populations described in the literature, but that it was exceptional with respect to the high level of alcohol consumed. The largest component of Kelso et al.’s street sample of 206 persons was Alaskan Natives (57.3%), followed by Whites (39.5%), Blacks (2.6%) and Asians (0.5%). Eighty-one percent were men; 19 percent were women. Kelso et al. (1980) concluded that the street population could be classified into four distinguishable subgroups: (1) Homeless-Unemployed, who fit the traditional stereotype of the “public inebriate” that inhabit Skid Row; (2) Highly-Mobile-Working, represented by seasonal workers who migrate to and from Anchorage; (3) Residential-Employed, long-term inhabitants of Anchorage who maintained a residence in the Skid Row area but were able to provide for themselves; and (4) Residential-Semi-Employed, those not clearly defined as members of the other three groups but who went through cycles of employment and unemployment.

The public inebriate, as well as other homeless persons who are not public inebriates, have a significant impact on the neighborhoods and businesses within the downtown area. The study by Kelso et al. (1980) estimated that the total Skid Row population was approximately 700 persons with the chronic public inebriate subgroup being about 90 persons. It is currently estimated that the Skid Row population has at least doubled since 1980.

A 1981 documentaiy film entitled “4th Avenue,” characterized the function of 4th Avenue as a traditional meeting place for people coming into Anchorage from other areas of the State. It is unlikely that would change substantially even if all the facilities for the homeless were removed from the area.

The gathering locations of the Anchorage homeless have frequently changed to avoid harassment. However, they remain within the radius of the downtown area. The flow of movement from the SOC into the downtown core (approximately 1 mile) is a well established pattern. SOC clients hit the streets between 7:30 a.m. and 9:30 a.m. On their way to the downtown core area they usually make a stop at Bean’s Cafe for coffee and sweet-rolls. Through panhandling they usually acquire enough money to “pool” their resources to buy a bottle of vodka. Many Alaskan Natives are not financially destitute. They receive monthly dividend checks from their Native corporations, and annual state dividend checks. Nonnative residents also receive their state dividend check. Many street people receive unemployment or welfare checks. Much of this money serves to supply alcohol.

Vodka and whiskey, which have high alcohol content, are preferred. The drinkers gather in groups of two or three outside the liquor store on 13th Avenue and Gambell until they get a bottle. According to the Community Service Patrol (CSP)² logs, approximately half the public inebriates picked up by the patrol gather around the liquor store on 13th and Gambell. They then move to a more secluded location, sometimes not, to share stories and the bottle of liquor. Drinking in public has not been an offense since the Uniform Alcohol Act was adopted by the State in the 1970s. Sometimes they gather in the small park area located in front of the old City Hall on 4th Avenue and E Street. According to the CSP logs many CSP pick-ups occur at this park.

The pattern of drinking and telling stories continues through the day and into the early evening hours. During the evening they tend to cluster together on 4th Ave., mostly between C and D streets, frequenting the two remaining bars on the block. They roam the Avenue, some going to the bar a few blocks east. Many are picked up off the street by the CSP van and transported to the SOC. The highly intoxicated, combative public inebriate may be transported by the police to the jail for noncriminal, 12-hour custody when they come to the attention of officers who patrol 4th Avenue and its environs. The less combative are usually talked into a ride to the SOC by the police. Alaskan Natives who are highly intoxicated or who appear to be ill are transported by the police to the Alaskan Native (Public Health) Medical Center’s emergency room where they are retained or treated and released and retransported by the police to the jail or SOC. Those left on the street eventually work their way to the SOC where they can sleep without harassment. Many of these people are homeless and without any family support, resulting in a stable population of individuals “on the Avenue.” (The “Avenue” stands for 4th Avenue, the downtown street where “street people” congregate.)

The following chapters characterize these individuals, describe their drinking and other drug-taking behavior, and report on attempts at intervention. It is, in essence, a very comprehensive examination of the homeless public inebriates who constitute Anchorage’s Skid Row.

The data used in this study, as noted in Chapter 1, was obtained from an evaluation study that attempted to assess the outcome of treatment intervention that originated at the Sleep-Off Center (SOC). The monitoring of events provided a unique opportunity to characterize a homeless, drinking population, and to describe their treatment involvement.

Given the extensive amount of information obtained, the present research evolved into a detailed descriptive analysis of the homeless population. The population studied consisted of those ...