The Relationship between Black People and the Police
The relationship between Black people and the police is characterized as a schizophrenic one. Where schizophrenia is a mental health illness (based on an individual psychological diagnosis) that alters oneâs thoughts, feelings, and behaviors and relates to oneâs genetics, environment, and brain structure and functions (National Institute of Mental Health, 2020; White, 2002), it is compared to the relationship between Black people and the police (based in social-psychology). Some of the symptoms of schizophrenia include the following:
- Reduced motivation and difficulty planning, beginning, and sustaining activities,
- Diminished feelings of pleasure in everyday life,
- âFlat affect,â or reduced expression of emotions via facial expression or voice tone,
- And reduced speaking (National Institute of Mental Health, 2020).
Comparable characteristics exist between Black people and the police. The deleterious relationship has been passed down from generation to generation; the nature of the relationship is present in varying environments, including within communities of color (Black communities, specifically); and the structure and function of society have helped to characterize and inspire the strained relationship. There are episodes that many experience regarding this relationship, including:
- Limited motivation to address communityâpolice concerns or improve communityâpolice relationships,
- Suppressed examples of positive interactions between Black people and police,
- Weakened communityâpolice engagement/relationship building,
- And reduced communication.
Exploring the socio-psychological relationship between Black people and the police is as necessary as law enforcement professionals engaging in mental health training to interact with civilians and the need for officers to partake in mental health therapy for themselves. Traumatized communities of color would benefit from mental health therapy (Staggers-Hakim, 2016). The suicide rate among officers is concerning, especially considering the relationship between the trauma of police work and the mental health of officers (Hem et al., 2001; Nelson and Smith, 1971; Soomro and Yanos, 2019; Violanti, 1995). One of the realities of the strained relationship between the police and Black people is the dangerous encounters police officers have had with Black people who experience episodes related to their mental health diagnosis.
While many of these encounters have been documented via video evidence, including the shooting death of Walter Wallace Jr. who, amid a bipolar episode, was shot and killed in Philadelphia, PA in November 2020, the deaths of unarmed Black people and the overall experience of Black people in America speaks to the schizophrenic relationship Black people have with the police overall.
âShould an officer be called for service?â âIs an officer in a community of color to protect and serve members of the community or to police members of the community?â âIf pulled over for a traffic stop, will the encounter be positive or will it escalate and lead to the death of the driver and/or passenger?â These are among the many questions that Black people ponder (Smith-Lee and Robinson, 2019). These are thoughts that some may become privy to via news accounts but that many Black people in America live with every day (Aymer, 2016; Hawkins, 2021; Waldron, 2020).
Black people experience invasions on their psyche daily. An unfortunate example includes what the world witnessed at the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. The insurrection was a reminder that thereâs a difference in how Black people experience policing in comparison to white people. The life of a Black person can end when they encounter a police officer or of one âenforcing the lawâ for selling loose cigarettes, like in the case of Eric Garner; returning home from a convenience store and walking in a neighborhood, like in the case of Trayvon Martin; after a traffic stop for failing to signal, like in the case of Sandra Bland; after being pulled over for an air freshener in the rearview mirror, like in the case of Daunte Wright (Barbot, 2020; Brunson and Stewart, 2021; Fulton and Martin, 2018; Marcus, 2016; Smith, 2019). But during an insurrection of the U.S. Capitol, where most of the scores of people who stormed the Capitol were white, many were either escorted out by the police and fewer were immediately taken into custody, even after many attacked the police themselves (Simon, 2021). Comparing these scenarios further incites the lived nightmare of many Black people in the U.S. to further explain the schizophrenic relationship Black people have with the police. The following section describes my lived experience, capturing more of the nature of the relationship and the social-psychological relationship between the police and Black people.
My Lived Experience, in Brief
While editing this book, I have addressed my very own pro-con perspective on policing. On one hand, I am a criminologist, specifically a Black female criminologist, and I have taught scores of men and women who become or are law enforcement professionals and I have been proud of their work. On the other hand, I have chosen not to call the police for service, especially when the call may involve assisting a person of color or is about a person of color. Lastly, while editing, I grappled with the pains of the George Floyd trial and ongoing police-involved deaths, making much of this process painful. This conflicted processing began very early, the âOfficer Friendlyâ that visited my grade school enamored me, but I was frightened by officers in my neighborhood. I was thankful for the officer who found me when I was âmissingâ after leaving my first grade class for home during a half day, but I was afraid of them and their baton and gun when I saw one knocking on a neighborâs door. As a young adult, I called the police once when I caught someone breaking into my car, but I did not follow through where I thought I was supporting possible racial profiling when the police presented a possible suspect to me. While studying and teaching in the criminology and criminal justice discipline, Iâve experienced police calls on me or family members for disputes related to fast food purchases, where ultimately, moments after the police call, the store clerk refunded the money as requested. I have also had several officers arrive at my home where a neighbor called the police because a teen driver grazed a lawn with their tire, after which the neighbor reportedly threatened the teen driver with a handgun. The police arrived expressing concern about the lawn but offered little to no direction regarding the threat of gun violence. Although the police have been called where either myself or a family member or guest were involved, the urge for me to call the police escapes me. I make calculated decisions about the possible harms and the necessity of calling the police for service. I ponder my encounters, the news of the day, and my Black male husband and brotherâs negative encounters.
Thereâs a tug of war that exists in the minds of many Black people, like me, when deciding to call the police. This tug of war is akin to the tug of war between NFL owners and players regarding the protest in support of the Black Lives Matter Movement. On one hand, the owners initially repudiated players for kneeling (esp. Colin Kaepernick), while on the other hand, owners sided with players when they reportedly supported their right to free speech and expression, and lastly after the NFL reversed their stance after the murder of George Floyd. There may be more second-guessing on my part about calling the police if a possible call for service is about a Black person, and specifically, a mentally ill civilian in crisis.
Calling the Police for Mentally Ill Black People Is Dangerous
The socio-psychological relationship between Black people and the police is used to explain the dangers of calling the police on a mentally ill Black person, who experiences a mental health crisis or episode. The response of law enforcement to Black people experiencing a perceived or diagnosed mental health crisis or episode is documented as early as American slavery. The pseudo-scientific concept of drapetomania was introduced in 1851. Enslaved Black people who sought to escape slavery were thought to be experiencing a mental health crisis or episode. This drapetomanic behavior was characterized as an uncontrollable urge to wander. To suppress this urge, pseudo-scientists suggested severing the toe(s) of the enslaved and/or whipping the devil out of them (Cartwright, 1851; Finkelman, 1997; Halpern and Lago, 2002; Hunt, 1855; Pilgrim, 2005; Stedman, 1914).
As we explore this issue contemporarily, we revisit the Walter Wallace, Jr. case. Wallace represents the countless men and women who were killed by law enforcement, when a call for mental health service intervention, instead, could save lives. Reportedly, Wallaceâs mother requested an ambulance (not a police officer) when her son began acting erratically, but police officers arrived, instead (Brunson and Stewart, 2021). Much like my calculated decision, arguably, Wallaceâs mother did not request police service for fear of the outcome or her knowledge about the best intervention for her son. According to data published by mental health services advocacy organizations, nearly half of civilians killed by law enforcement had some type of diagnosed disability, not counting those who had undiagnosed disabilities, including undiagnosed mental health issues (Treatment Advocacy Center, 2015, 2021). Where approximately 1,000 people on average are killed by the police in the U.S. annually, Black males are two times more likely than white men, and mentally ill unarmed Black men, specifically, are more likely than white men to be shot and killed by the police even when they show similar signs of mental illness (Abrams, 2020; Thomas et al., 2021). This does not discount the experience of Black women, who may struggle with mental health issues. One such example is that of Korryn Gaines who was shot and killed by a member of the Baltimore County swat team while in her apartment in August of 2016 (Carter and Willoughby-Herard, 2018; Spencer and Perlow, 2018). Gainesâs case is described in Chapter 9 of the book âThe criminalization of Black women.â
Police training that begins, continues, and concludes with mental health training where licensed clinical professionals accompany police officers during calls for service will likely reduce the dangers to a person experiencing a mental health episode, specifically a Black person experiencing a mental health episode. It has become clear through empirical and media evidence that a mentally ill Black person faces more danger of losing their life than if a call for service is rendered about a white person (Abrams, 2020; Thomas et al., 2021). Documented evidence of this disparity further explains the nature of the relationship with the police. There is an increased chance that contacting the police for or about Black people may lead to a deadly outcome. And as noted earlier, the lived experience of Black people, the police-involved homicides that took place when this edited volume was being edited, and the pains that surmount must...