Generation, Gender and Negotiating Custom in South Africa
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Generation, Gender and Negotiating Custom in South Africa

Elena Moore, Elena Moore

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Generation, Gender and Negotiating Custom in South Africa

Elena Moore, Elena Moore

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About This Book

This book investigates how customary practices in South Africa have led to negotiation and contestation over human rights, gender and generational power.

Drawing on a range of original empirical studies, this book provides important new insights into the realities of regulating personal relationships in complex social fields in which customary practices are negotiated. This book not only adds to a fuller understanding of how customary practices are experienced in contemporary South Africa, but it also contributes to a large discussion about the experiences, impact and ongoing negotiations around changing structures of gender and generational power and rights in contemporary South Africa.

It will be of interest to researchers across the fields of sociology, family/customary law, gender, social policy and African Studies.

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Publisher
Routledge
Year
2022
ISBN
9781000600216
Edition
1

1 Generation, gender and negotiating custom in South Africa

Elena Moore
DOI: 10.4324/9781003147398-1
Magistrates do not support the men anymore. When the women complain they take their side, and we have to pay a fine.
[Native Affairs Commission Evidence 1881–82, cited in Essop Sheik 2014, p. 82]
Formerly an umzi [homestead] was under the thumb of the father, now it is under the thumb of the son. Things are bad now. Everywhere there is complaint of the growing disobedience of children.
[Gidli, a great-grandfather, cited in Hunter 1936, p. 60]
The children today do not even know their parents. A child lives wherever they want. As I’m talking to you my child is not here. She is sitting in a dirty place, a hostel in KwaMashu 
 this is not the place for a sixteen-year-old. Children have no respect, they swear at us, the parents.
[Angelina 2010 cited in Dubbeld 2013, p. 211]
Angelina is reported to have held post-apartheid social transformation responsible for the overturning of her social world (Dubbeld 2013, p. 211). But if Angelina spoke to members of previous generations, she may have heard them attribute the same concern to the introduction of the capitalist economy, the missionaries, or the colonial courts. From the colonial era to the present, what is striking about reading literature that spans two centuries is the consistent mantra of the ‘loss of respect, control and power’ that mainly older men (and sometimes older women) report about younger men and women. The view held by a range of politicians, colonial administrators and elders is that these social problems represent some sort of temporal rupture related to a change in values and customs, signalling a crisis. But these problems occur in each successive generation of men and women, and they are the problems of generational and gendered relations.
The current context is no different, as Angelina highlights. These references to tradition and custom, frame particular types of social action as legitimate. The idea that young men and women’s autonomy and assertiveness are ‘new’ also draws on distortions of the political, social and economic power young people have held in the past. Given the gravity of social and legal change in the post-independent South African context, what is new about the ways in which generational and gendered relations occur at a time of negotiating custom?

Part I: Negotiating custom in 21st-century South Africa

This book explores the ways black1 men and women negotiate customary practices in their daily lives in South Africa. The chapters describe the desires of women and men in their negotiations of lobolo, inhlawulo (payments for children born out of wedlock), ukuthwala (a practice encompassing different customary forms of precipitating a marriage, including through abduction), customary marriage including polygyny, female initiation and succession. The collection captures some of the commonalities and differences in people’s desires and challenges in negotiating customs. The authors situate these negotiations of custom within a sociocultural framework by providing a rich context of how daily negotiations take place amongst a wider range of changes in social relations in an era of increasing unemployment, poverty, urbanisation, welfare reform, neoliberal capitalism and changing living arrangements.
The book focuses on generational and gendered tensions as markers of social divisions and transformations as we investigate how such tensions and relationships are reimagined and reborn with new meanings in the post-independent period. We explore the mechanisms that produce change. Whilst we recognise the significant shifts in political and legal periods, we foreground the changes that individuals make on the ground as they decide to marry, leave marriages or become parents. Although in this book we examine generational and gendered relations, it is critical to highlight that for black people in South Africa, these relations have been underpinned by a long history of racialised oppression. Generational and gendered relations for black people in South Africa are intimately affected by the racialised social disruption.
In the last part of this chapter, we provide a historical overview of how the negotiations of customary practices have shifted through time and have been shaped by the exploitation of black people through the colonial and apartheid periods. This book demonstrates how ‘traditions’ of privilege were legislated and engineered at specific precolonial, colonial and postcolonial moments to favour the colonial state, chiefs, male elders and younger men. South African family life and the regulation of customary practices were radically transformed by British colonialism which fundamentally shifted gender and generational relations. We unpack how men and women negotiated customary practices at different historical moments and ascertain what this tells us about social change in the present. The volume is not a history of negotiating custom but acts as a contemporary set of studies that are deeply informed by historical questions.
This volume does not try to reveal the intricacies of customs, nor does it try to ascertain customary law. Instead, it examines power relations in negotiating customary practices in an ever-changing political economy. The book directs people away from focusing on specific customs in isolation and shifts attention to thinking about customs more generally. We recognise that there are significant local variations in negotiating customary practices, both in the past and in the present. Some of the variations relate to the intricate nature of custom itself, some to the specific local politics of the locality and some to normative values regarding domesticity, traditional leadership, Christianity and so on. For example, Cousins (2013) noted how two neighbouring areas, under different traditional authorities in rural Msinga in KwaZulu-Natal, adopted fundamentally different approaches to the rules about women accessing land, where unmarried women in one area were permitted to access land yet unmarried women in the other were not. No attempt at full representation of regional, ethnic, or thematic coverage is made and given the diversity of subject matter, the chapters are relatively diverse in their content. They are, however, united in attempting to reveal how power oscillates in gendered and generational negotiations of custom. Whilst each chapter discusses the unique features of its local context, the volume’s broader context is the political economy and legal change in South Africa at large.
When we started this book project, we expected the law to feature more prominently in thinking about social transformations, social justice and particularly the impact of the Constitution of South Africa (1996) on people’s everyday life. However, this was not the story we were told in the narratives of people negotiating customs in the post-apartheid period, whose experiences lie at the heart of this book. Here we focus on the ways that customs are contested in ordinary spaces in which people live their lives. Although state law features as a set of resources, materially and discursively, what matters to people are the social relations embedded in the negotiation of custom. We argue that their effects on gender and generational relations are as important as understanding ‘the law’. We, therefore, foreground negotiations and changing kin relations, whilst considering the social significance of the law (and state) on the shaping of domestic relations.
The main argument of the book is that divisions and struggles within families are not new; what is new is the kind of divisions. New state regulations and social protection systems (for example, the democratisation of social grants to reduce poverty) since 1994 and the co-occurring process of deindustrialisation, has created change in the bases of inequality and power and has challenged former hierarchies. Through the evidence in the chapters, we argue that rural black women are reclaiming power whereby women effectively contest and challenge social, legal and cultural constraints. This is occurring at the same time as many black men in society are facing rapidly changing economic opportunities and high levels of unemployment which shifts the basis of patriarchal power once held. We argue that women contest patriarchal power by drawing on customary law with the support of state intervention, through state law and social protection mechanisms, in a context of deindustrialisation. We outline how the power women hold has shifted in different ways over time from precolonial, through colonial and into the present time. As an important part of the argument, we demonstrate how women’s power in negotiating customs employs previous repertoires of strategies to resist others’ power and assert their own power. Furthermore, we argue that even when state laws have been reformed to enable gender equality, there are still tensions between genders and generations as the older generations in some areas are losing parental authority and power over the regulation of their intimate lives.

Black Rural Woman and Tracing Transformations in Power

The chapters in this volume are wrought with examples of women’s resistance to power. In this part of the chapter, we examine women’s strategies of resisting power when negotiating custom in 21st-century South Africa as well as what this tells us about forms of power and changing power relations. We do this by drawing on Abu-Lughod’s (1990, p. 42) approach, which uses resistance as ‘a diagnostic of power’. As she argued, ‘where there is resistance, there is power’. We focus on the changing situation of women in particular because few studies on power have incorporated gendered and generational power relations with specific attention on woman-to-woman relations. The findings across the chapters come together to reveal a greater sense of the complexity and changing nature of the patriarchal structures, especially in rural areas where black, rurally based women, old and young, are regaining and claiming power when negotiating their intimate relations.
Whilst women must navigate patriarchal norms and gendered expectations rooted in colonial distortions of customary practices, the findings in this volume highlight the different forms of resistance and agency exercised by women and specifically rurally based women. The findings speak to postcolonial feminist scholarship on women’s agency (see Mohanty 2003), which argues that even within the most rigid patriarchal structures in rural areas, women exercise agency even when captured within larger social, cultural and historical processes (as will be discussed later in the chapter). Postcolonial feminism has critiqued how Global North understandings of women’s agency can damage the political struggles and activism of women in the Global South (Mohanty 2003). Indeed, in her chapter, Mnisi Weeks argues for women’s resistance strategies, both new and old, to be considered activism. Criticising universalising depictions of women’s agency as false, Tamale (2008, p. 64) outlined how customary practices ‘can be wielded creatively and resourcefully to enhance women’s access to justice’. Abu-Lughod (2002) and Mahmood (2001) amongst many others argue for a more diverse understanding of what gender justice and equality means, one that takes into account historical and cultural specificities.
Relatedly, it is critical to avoid essentialist understandings of the term ‘gender’. Many African feminist scholars have questioned the utility of gender as a lens for examining African societies (Amadiume 1987; Nnaemeka 2004; Nzegwu 2006; OyewĂčmĂ­ 1997). Much of the critique lies with how feminist theorising from the West often limits its gender analysis to the nuclear family. From this limited space, the place of other adults as co-wives, elders, or other family members gets overlooked. African feminist scholarship (Amadiume 1987; Nnaemeka 2004; Nzegwu 2006; OyewĂčmĂ­ 1997) has emphasised how hierarchies in African families are often based on seniority gained through age rather than on gender, and how relations between women across lineage and seniority are significant in understanding inequalities within and across families. Other scholars (Bakare-Yusuf 2004; Lugones 2008) have cautioned about overlooking any specific variable of power operating in the markedly different contexts across African and other societies and called for the workings of power to be carefully analysed within their localities. Given the under-examination of generational relations amongst women and how this shapes custom and power, the volume goes some way to recentre generation alongside gender as an important site of power specifically within woman-to-woman relations.
In the book, we identify three sets of resistance which highlight the transformations taking place in power relations. The first area of resistance is where women use customs and behind the scenes actions to their advantage while supporting customary practices. The flexibility embedded in the negotiation of customary practices such as lobolo, succession and polygamy, allows women to exercise power in carving out benefits for themselves. In both chapters on lobolo, we see how younger women plan and collaborate with older women to participate in backstage lobolo negotiations. In doing so, they adhere to the normative expectations of their required non-involvement in the formal negotiations between the families but still actively persuade and influence the outcome of the negotiations. Through such involvement, younger women persuade older women of the importance of adjusting their own families’ expectations of, for example, a large lobolo payment when the intended groom cannot afford it. In turn, older women can then persuade male relatives on how to negotiate in the ‘official’ negotiation process. In inheritance matters, we also see how widows adhere to the customary expectations regard...

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