Chapter 1
Introduction
Iran in Western Imaginary
In the introduction to her travelogue, Two Wings of a Nightingale: Persian Soul, Islamic Heart (2011), the New Zealand author Jill Worrall writes that âIran is probably the most misunderstood country in the world, and its people are among the most fearedâ (Worrall). This statement alone is a testament to the significance of Iran, as a major locus in the Muslim Orient, in the Western imaginary, particularly in the mainstream Western discourse apropos the Oriental/Muslim Other. It also bespeaks the power of the representational regime through which the country, its people, and particularly its main religion, Islam, have been subject to constant tropes of Othering, demonization, marginalization, and negation in the West, not least in the United States.
It is the dominance, ubiquity, authority, and serious cultural and political implications of such representations that lend urgency to a methodical analysis and critique of such regimes of knowledge production about the Oriental Other. This book, therefore, seeks to critique literary representations of Iran, which were part of the proliferation of literary productions informed by the two defining historical junctures of the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iranâand within that context the IranâIraq War (1980â8) and the Hostage Crisis (1979â81)âand what is now commonly referred to as 9/11. The corpus of literary texts dealing specifically with Iranian contexts has expanded exceedingly since the revolution and reached its apex in what Professor Hamid Dabashi has dubbed âthe haymarket of post 9/11 anxietiesâ ( Post-Orientalism 276). Sanaz Fotouhi has recorded that while between 1980 and 2001, no more than sixteen memoirs had been published by Iranians residing in the West, from 2001 to early 2012 at least fifty more memoirs were published (99), excluding works of fiction and poetry volumesâa trend that still continues.
This book provides a much-needed analysis of this literary phenomenon in Iranian-American self-narratives, undertaking a critical perusal of three paramount memoirs penned by Iranian-American women, which are deemed to be paradigmatic works in their representations of Iran and Islam. The three texts are Betty Mahmoodyâs Not without My Daughter (1987), as the quintessential pre-9/11 example of captivity narratives; Azar Nafisiâs Reading Lolita in Tehran: A Memoir in Books (2003), as the iconic neo-Orientalist post-9/11 Iranian-American, and by extension Middle Eastern, memoir; and Professor Fatemeh Keshavarzâs Jasmine and Stars: Reading More than Lolita in Tehran (2007), as the paramount counter-narrative. While there also exist memoirs written by hyphenated Iranian-European women, none of them share the iconic status of the three memoirs in question, in terms of their popular reception, their impact on the perception of Iran and Islam, their engagement with political agendas, and the celebrity status of their authors. Furthermore, the ongoing tension in US-Iran relations lends a sense of urgency and topicality to Iranian-American memoirs, which is rather lacking in other memoirs.
The critical exegesis of the texts in question is built primarily upon Edward Saidâs theorization and critique of the concept of Orientalism in his seminal 1978 book of the same title, and its latter-day manifestation, that is, post-9/11 neo-Orientalism. The analysis of the three iconic texts seeks to reveal that notwithstanding their formal and, to a lesser extent, thematic differences, the narratives in question represent Iran and Islam within a long-established Orientalist frame of reference and through similar representational apparatus. Furthermore, even though these texts are products of two different eras, that is, pre- and post-9/11, the similarities in the social, political, and historical contexts of their production have significantly contributed to their promotion, dissemination, and reception in the United States, and more broadly in the West.
In my perusal of the three narratives, I will demonstrate how the dominant Western representations of Iran and Islam can be read as manifestations of a sustained and long-standing Orientalist discourse formulated in and popularized by the West. Such discursive continuity is a fact that Edward Said bemoans in his Preface to the twenty-fifth-anniversary edition of his Orientalism. Said laments the lack of any evident change in the manner in which American and European representations of the Middle East portray contemporary Muslim societies primarily in terms of what they see as âtheir backwardness, lack of democracy and abrogation of womenâs rightsâ (xviii). He then goes on to demonstrate how the overall understanding of the Middle East and Islam has deteriorated in the United States since the first publication of his Orientalism in 1978:
I wish I could say, however, that general understanding of the Middle East, the Arabs and Islam in the United States has improved somewhat, but alas, it really hasnât . . . In the US, the hardening of attitudes, the tightening of the grip of demeaning generalization and triumphalist clichĂ©, the dominance of crude power allied with simplistic contempt for dissenters and âothers,â has found a fitting correlative in the looting, the pillaging, and destruction of Iraqâs libraries and museums. (xviii)
Therefore, my critique of the three narratives engages not only with the representational tropes of othering vis-Ă -vis Iranian people, their culture, main religion, and politics but also with a counter-narrative that seeks to challenge and offer an alternative to the dominant Orientalist discourse via which Iran is often represented and understood. Through an in-depth analysis of the three texts, I will demonstrate how the dominant Western representations of Iran conditioned by certain historical junctures are informed by an Orientalist episteme. Within this regime of knowledge production, the Iranian/Muslim Other, in general, is represented as inferior, and Iranian/Muslim women, in particular, are depicted as oppressed, victimized, passive, and in need of liberation. Such a rendition corresponds with the official view of the United States toward Iranâregardless of which party may be in powerâwhich represents the country not only as its arch-nemesis but often as the greatest threat to world stability. Such representations have, indeed, disturbing political implications in the context of the continuing tensions between Iran and the United States. I will also illustrate, in my discussion of the last narrative, how through an intervening discourse of resistance, hyphenated authors and artists can construct a space that can enable a mode of writing back to the hegemony of Orientalist representations, and can lend greater visibility to the voices that are perpetually dehumanized, marginalized, and silenced in the dominant Western narratives.
Any attempt at investigating certain selective representations of any subject must take account of the historical context that underlies the subject of representation and in which the subject is constantly re-conceptualized and recycled. This is because, in all their normative selectivity, particular conceptualizations of any given country, culture, or people are always informed by a historicity that is definitive of the image represented. Hence, without such contextualization, neither the subject of representation nor its (mis)representations can be fully appreciated. It is only apt, therefore, to briefly demonstrate first the historical significance of Iran to the West and then the historicity of its representations.
Earliest Figurations: The Lavish Nemesis
Although Worrallâs observation, quoted at the beginning of this section, about the endemic misconceptions of Iran clearly encapsulates the current Irano-Islamophobic zeitgeist in the West, representations of Iran in the Western imaginary extend as far back as classical antiquity. With Iran, formerly known as Persia, occupying one of the most significant geostrategic loci on the world stage throughout history, the image of the country has always remained central to the Western imaginary. As Lila Azam Zanganeh has observed, â[w]hether as a haven of exotic sensuality or a stronghold of fanatic religiosity, Iran has, since ancient times, inflamed the popular imaginationâ (xi). From 550 BC, when it was deemed the worldâs preeminent empire during the Achaemenid era, right through to when it fell subject to the colonial whims of Russia, Britain, the Ottoman Empire, the USSR, and the United States, and, later, the 1979 Islamic Revolution that toppled the Pahlavi dynasty, ending twenty-five centuries of monarchy, Iran has always been of considerable geopolitical significance to its immediate neighbors and dominant world powers alike.
The earliest imaginings of Persia1 as the realm of luxury, excess, despotism, and arrogance were primarily inspired by the rise, reign, and decline of the Persian Empire as the worldâs largest ancient empire and civilization hitherto, and the archrival of its Occidental counterparts. That the Persian Empire became the subject of much obsession, awe, and apprehension in the European collective consciousness is evident in the figurations of Persia in the literary imaginary of the Occident throughout centuries. This reflects the importance of Persia as an immediate neighbor and antagonist of the Greek states in this period, and the lasting centrality of the Greek and Roman classical period in the West. Some of the most ancient representations of Persia appeared in the earliest of Aeschylusâs surviving plays, The Persians (472 BC), which, according to Edward Said, is the earliest, and the quintessential, text in which âEurope . . . articulates the Orientâ ( Orientalism 57). In this historical tragedy about the Greek defeat of the Persians in the Battle of Salamis (480 BC), the Persians are made distinct from their Greek counterparts through their indulgence in such âEastern excessesâ2 ( Orientalism 57) as extravagance, hubris, sensuality, despotism, and irrationality (Pirnajmuddin 21).
In his pioneering study of the literary representations of Persia, Hossein Pirnajmuddin has meticulously demonstrated how the foregoing figurations were also circulated in the canonical and non-canonical works of such English Renaissance texts as Christopher Marloweâs Tamburlaine the Great (1587), Edmund Spencerâs The Faerie Queene (1590), and John Miltonâs Paradise Lost (1667) and Paradise Regained (1671), to name but a few (4). Thanks to the Romantic poetsâ interest in and appropriation of the matter of the Orient, images of Persia as a land of exoticism, mystery, indulgence, and unbridled sexuality appeared more than ever before in the English literary tradition, especially in the works of such Romantic poets as Lord Byron and Robert Southey. Such an interest is clearly exemplified in such works as Thomas Mooreâs Oriental romance, Lalla Rookh (1817), as well as the late-eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century âPersian poetry fadâ in England. John D. Yohannan has attributed the Romantic interest in Persia to âthe establishment, in England, of a genuine, firsthand study of the languages of Persia, Arabia, Turkey, and India,â among other things (137).
Foundational to the Occidental imagining of Persia is the text popularly known in the West as One Thousand and One Nights (or alternatively, Arabian Nights). Arguably, no other work has contributed as widely to the exoticization and eroticization of Persia in the Western imaginary. With the haremâas a site where pleasure and peril are curiously intertwinedâlying at the heart of the narrative, One Thousand and One Nights represents Persia as a locus of unbridled sensuality and cruelty and has significantly shaped the European view of the licentious, misogynistic, and murderous Persian, best epitomized in the character of the Persian King Shahriar and his treatment of his many doomed wives. Regardless of such figurations of Persia (or the greater Orient), and consistent with an Orientalist view of Oriental philistinism, Said draws attention to how in his Eothen (1844), Alexander William Kinglake concludes that âthe Arabian Nights is too lively and inventive a work to have been created by a âmere Oriental, who, for creative purposes, is a thing dead and dryâa mental mummyââ ( Orientalism 193).3
It was, however, in the Oriental travelogues penned by European travelers, missionaries, and delegates mostly during the age of European, and particularly British, colonialism that representations of Persia as uncivilized, backward, primitive, decadent, and unfit-for-self-governance pervaded the mainstream Western discourse on the Orient in earnest. Prominent in this category is James Morierâs The Adventures of Hajji Baba of Ispahan (1824). Written by a British imperial diplomat,4 the novel has been considered âthe most popular Oriental novel in the English language and a highly influential stereotype of the so-called âPersian national characterâ in modern timesâ (Amanat 561). Such colonial accounts are characterized by overwhelmingly negative representations of Persia and its peoples. The Adventures of Hajji Baba of Ispahan, for instance, âlampoons Persians as rascals, cowards, puerile villains, and downright fools, depicting their culture as scandalously dishonest and decadent, and their society as violentâ (Amanat 561). The opening passage from another one of Morierâs works, The Mirza (1841), a collection of tales about Persia, encapsulates the dominant discourse of the British Empire concerning both its Persian Other and itself. The passage bears quoting in full:
Although the Persians cannot be complimented upon their morality, as a nation, yet no one can deny that they abound in a lively wit, a social disposition, and in qualities which fit them to be agreeable companions. The Englishman, bred up in reverence of truth, in love of justice, and in admiration of every thing that constitutes good government, with a strict sense of honour, and a quick impulse to uphold his rights as an independant man, remains perfectly astonished and incredulous at all he sees and hears, when first he finds himself an inhabitant of an Asiatic state. In Persia particularly, where truth and falsehood are upon equal terms, where a man to live, must practice deceit, where the meaning of the word honour is not to be defined, and where there is no government but such as emanates from caprice or despotism, there his astonishment and disgust are complete, although, at the same time, should he have any turn for humour, he cannot help being amused at the ingenuity of the wiles exercised, at the light-hearted levity, and apparent clown and pantaloon philosophy with which evils, such as the Englishman would call great, are supported. (1â2)
Such depictions would be best understood if read against the backdrop of an expanding British imperialism in its heyday. In the colonial context of their own time, such accounts served as âsoft weapons,â to borrow Gillian Whitlockâs phrase ( Soft Weapons 3), deployed to justify and perpetuate colonial domination that pledged the civilizing of the Oriental subject. Such nationalistic chauvinism is also applied to other countries (including European ones) and at times to the British, too. Nevertheless, the British, and other colonial European powersâ accounts become more dominant as other aspects of imperialism support their ascendancy.
As far as representations of Iran in the United States are concerned, it is imperative to contextualize such representations within the historico-political context of the last century. In the second half of the twentieth century, the role played by the United States in Iranâs political landscape became increasingly more dominant. The US intervention in Iranian internal affairs reached its climax when in 1953 the new US administration decided to execute a coup dâĂ©tat that overthrew Iranâs first democratically elected prime ministerâDr. Mohammad Mosaddeq, who had nationalized Iranâs oil and incurred the wrath of the Britishâand reinstated the second Pahlavi Shah. Following the coup, which was to become Iraniansâ most painful collective memory of the United States for decades, the shah set out to consolidate his power, and in so doing sought the backing of the United States, to which he now owed his throne. The United States had now a much stronger presence in Iran, partly justified by its fear of Iranâs Communist neighbor. As a result, the official relations between the two countries strengthened. The US presence was both justified and solidified through such factors as the alliance whereby the United States assisted in the buildup of Iranâs military and the notorious SAVAK (Iranâs intelligence and security organization), and the creation of diplomatic immunity, known commonly in Iran as âcapitulationâ, granted to all US military personnel stationed in Iran. Such displays of American dominance and superiority were among a variety of factors that fueled the anti-American sentiment, which, in turn, played a significant role in setting the ground for the 1979 Islamic Revolution. With the collapse of the last Pahlavi dynasty and the advent of a new era for Iran, characterized by an Islamic system of governance and strong opposition to any form of foreign inte...