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'Anticipating' the 2011 Arab Uprisings
Revolutionary Literatures and Political Geographies
R. Sakr
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'Anticipating' the 2011 Arab Uprisings
Revolutionary Literatures and Political Geographies
R. Sakr
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This PalgravePivot volume explores an exciting range of powerful novels and memoirs from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria that reveal political geographies of injustice and popular discontent thus 'anticipating' or imaginatively envisioning as well as participating in some of the major current upheavals in their particular national contexts.
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Introduction: âAnticipatingâ, Writing, and Rebelling in the Arab World
Abstract: This introduction addresses the relationship between the creative power of revolutionary people and the revolutionary power of writers in the Arab world. It outlines the ways in which this study explores an exciting range of powerful novels and memoirs from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Syria that, in the last 15 years especially, unraveled the political geographies of injustice and popular discontent thus âanticipatingâ or envisioning and participating in some of the major current upheavals in their respective national contexts. Methodologically, it emphasizes the interdisciplinary intersections among the fields of literature, cultural geography, and human rights discourse. It also engages briefly with the Tunisian context through the example of Kamel al-Riahiâs novels.
Sakr, Rita. âAnticipatingâ the 2011 Arab Uprisings: Revolutionary Literatures and Political Geographies. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013. DOI: 10.1057/9781137294739.
In a brief but incisive study titled The Rebirth of History: Times of Riots and Uprisings in which he approaches the recent Arab revolts and upheavals, Alain Badiou writes:
The inexistent has arisen. That is why we refer to uprising: people were lying down, submissive; they are getting up, picking themselves up, rising up. This rising is the rising of existence itself: the poor have not become rich; people who were unarmed are not now armed, and so forth. Basically, nothing has changed. What has occurred is restitution of the existence of the inexistent, conditional upon what I call an event. In the knowledge that, unlike the restitution of the inexistent, the event itself is invariably elusive. (2012, p. 56)
While one might disagree with the reading of the oppressed populations of the Arab world as merely âsubmissiveâ, what seems particularly significant here is ârestitution of the existence of the inexistentâ, that is, the reclamation of political legitimacy. As several historians and philosophers have noted, many of the popular movements within the Arab uprisings have been mobilized by the economic grievances of the âinexistent of the [Arab] worldâ and a concomitant increase in people power against the collusion of the political and financial elite in Arab dictatorships as well as Western and in some cases, Russian and Chinese neo-imperial interests that knowingly or unknowingly aided systems of exploitation and human rights abuses. These dynamics could be understood within the framework of what Joseph Massad, in a talk delivered in Dublin in April 2012 on âLove, Fear and the Arab Springâ, calls the Machiavellian tactics of Arab dictators . According to this approach, many Arab autocratic regimes have allied themselves with particularly American neo-imperial interests while hypocritically exploiting popular emotions around the post-imperial issue of Israel-Palestine to maintain their grip on the social and political geography of their countries. The centrality of the Arab upheavals to the larger web of international relations and the multiplicity of geopolitical and popular variables that could take these transformations in any direction are evident in the facts that the Arab uprisings occurred at the peak of a global economic crisis, during one of the most complex phases of the rise of political Islam, at an anti-climactic moment in the recent trend of American military incursions, and at an unprecedented moment in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict whereby Palestinians have taken their battle for statehood to the UN.
Constructing the historical narrative of oppressed people that rise and dictators who are toppled has often involved recollecting the fictional narratives and memoirs portraying the social and political complexities that fueled such transformations and re-visiting the writers who imaginatively and intellectually contributed to the public sphere that engendered these transformed worlds. In this respect, the Arab uprisings afford us an excellent example of the relationship between the creative power of revolutionary people and the revolutionary power of creative artists, especially writers. For example, Moroccan writer Tahar Ben Jelloun, whose prison novel This Blinding Absence of Light poignantly reveals the oppressive dynamics of the Arab dictatorship and the resilient spirit of its people, describes this relationship between the poetâs and peopleâs imaginative powers in his LâĂ©tincelle: RĂ©voltes dans les pays arabes,
Ce sont des millions de gens ordinaires qui sont sortis dans les rues parce que trop câest trop! Câest une rĂ©volution dâun nouveau type: spontanĂ©e et improvisĂ©e. Une page dâhistoire Ă©crite au jour le jour, sans plan, sans prĂ©mĂ©ditation, sans magouille, sans trucage. Un peu comme les poĂštes Ă©crivent sous la dictĂ©e de la vie, et se rebellent pour des jours meilleurs. (2011a, p. 33)
Millions of ordinary people emerged on the streets because enough is enough! It is a revolution of a new kind: spontaneous and improvised. A page of history is being written on an everyday basis, unplanned, unpremeditated, with no maneuvering or tricks. Just as poets write while being inspired by life and rebel for the sake of better times. [My translation]
For Ben Jelloun, certain poets â and here we should also include other kinds of writers and creative artists â of the Arab world have revolted imaginatively by envisioning and writing these revolutions before the actual popular uprising extended or realized the vision underlying the poem (or novel) as a revolutionary practice.
Certains Ă©crivains ont passĂ© leur vie Ă dĂ©noncer cette malĂ©diction. Les poĂštes sont toujours des visionnaires, ils pressentent ce qui doit absolument changer. Les dictateurs feraient bien de lire les poĂštes que, en gĂ©nĂ©ral, ils mĂ©prisent. Car un jour finit toujours par arriver oĂč la rĂ©sistance populaire devient elle-mĂȘme une sorte de poĂšmeâon lâa vu ces derniers mois dans les rues de Tunisie puis dâĂgypte. (2011a, p. 40)
Some writers have spent their lives denouncing this curse. Poets are always visionaries; they sense what needs to be absolutely changed. Dictators should rather read the work of poets that they generally tend to deride. Because a day will always come when popular resistance itself becomes a kind of poemâwe have seen this happening in the last few months on the streets of Tunisia then Egypt. [My translation]
While Ben Jelloun may have placed too much emphasis on the historical force of the self-immolation of Mohammed Bouazizi as the event that sparked the first of the uprisings that is the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia (and this reading is reflected in his novel Par le feu), he did effectively note the powerful relation between the visions and practices of the Arab writer and those of the indignant man on the street, both of whom rose in different ways and at different times to transform the political geographies of their countries.
To introduce the subject of how the intertwined revolutionary literatures and political geographies in the Arab world âanticipatedâ the 2011 uprisings requires before all a definition of terms and parameters. In a re-visiting and response to Richard Jacquemondâs seminal reading of modern Egyptian literature as âconscience of the nationâ and more precisely to quotes from novelist Bahaa Taher and Islamist critic Hilmi Muhammad Al-Qaâud, Caroline Rooney (introducing a special issue of Journal of Postcolonial Writing on âEgyptian Literary Culture and Egyptian Modernityâ) astutely argues that: âthe writer or intellectual is seen not merely to represent an already given state of affairs, as Jacquemondâs term âmimetic realismâ would imply. Rather, it is striking to note that the writer or intellectual is presented as a seer able to realize through anticipation both the pitfalls and the progressive opportunities of history as it unfoldsâ (2011a, p. 370).1 She adds that âthe responsibility of writers and intellectuals is given as more prospective than it is retrospectiveâ (pp. 370â71) and substantiates this argument through interviews she previously conducted with Bahaa Taher and Rehab Bassam in which they, in various ways, foretold the revolution. âAnticipatingâ includes several intertwined dynamics including foreseeing, speaking or writing in expectation or foreknowledge of a future event, but most interestingly in the context of literature, imagining or envisioning an event or a transformation that has social or political significance. Focusing on the latter meaning, this study explores the fluid visions that emerged from imaginative literary engagements with political and social realities in Arab countries rather than fixed, straightforward predictions that no literary text is plausibly expected to offer. Within this framework, literatures produced in response to authoritarian regimes can be said to be revolutionary not for directly initiating uprisings or reflecting the specific political agendas of their initiators (this is certainly important given the dissonance between much of the aspirations of Arab writers at the moment and the policies of mainly Islamist parties that have taken over), but rather for daring to offer visions of transformed political geographies. These visions thus mediate defiance towards censorship and intimidation through their participation in the intellectual spaces that underpin transformative possibilities. In this respect, the writer of revolutionary literatures becomes a public intellectual who diagnoses and challenges states of oppression and silence. In Representations of the Intellectual, Edward Said argues that the intellectual assumes a role that:
has an edge to it, and cannot easily be co-opted by governments or corporations, and whose raison-dâĂȘtre is to represent all those people and issues that are routinely forgotten or swept under the rug. The intellectual does so on the basis of universal principles: that all human beings are entitled to expect decent standards of behavior concerning freedom and justice from worldly powers or nations, and that deliberate or inadvertent violations of these standards need to be testified and fought against courageously. (1994, p. 9)
Saidâs Intellectual speaks bravely in the name of the âinexistentâ who would eventually rise against oppression. As Ayman el-Desouky notes, the questions that Said raises âdefine the role of the public and institutional intellectuals, just as they inspire and inform the intellectual qua writerâ (2011, p. 437).
In an interview with The Kenyon Review on Literature and the Arab Uprisings, Jadaliyya co-editor and Iraqi writer Sinan Antoon re-contextualizes Saidâs influential argument with respect to the intellectualâs role and the dangers that face it in the Arab world:
Institutionally and structurally, the revolts further exposed how the state had neutralized certain intellectuals and writers and used them to legitimate its projects. The revolts reignited debates about the relationship between cultural production and state power. The revolts have already debunked the old cultural discourse and are threatening the dominant cultural elite, many of whose figures were at the service of state culture for a variety of reasons. (Plum, 2011, n. pag.)
This process impacted most of the Arab countries that were swept by the 2011 tide of uprisings and political upheavals and unsettled various regime agents including elements of the cultural elite especially in Egypt, Libya, and Syria, although with different political results. Having continually criticized the culturally and politically corrosive impact of âmakeshift intellectualsâ (Mehrez, 2008, p. 87), in a 2012 interview, Egyptian writer Bahaa Taher contends that âModern Egypt was built on the shoulders of intellectuals. You canât rescind that, itâs already cost too much bloodâ (qtd. in KrĂŒger, 2012, n. pag). Taher finds that the 2011â12 political transformations in Egypt were supported by the continued intervention of certain writers in the revolutionary intellectual sphere during many decades of oppression and despair: âThe young people of Tahrir Square have faith in particular writers and poets. For the revolutionaries these are the nationâs only credible individuals, people who share their idealsâ (qtd. in KrĂŒger, 2012, n. pag).
In his magisterial work Conscience of the Nation: Writers, State, and Society in Modern Egypt, Richard Jacquemond engages deeply with the role of the Egyptian writer in relation to the politics of the state and the dynamics of society across a century of literary production and historical transformations. Commenting on Naguib Mahfouzâs Children of the Alley, Jacquemond writes: âthe writer possesses a rare capacity in society, the ability to write, and this allows him to put together the fragmentary versions of events produced by other intellectuals, which are distorted by âwhims and prejudicesâ, in order to give a true and authoritative version of historyâ (2008, p. 4). Jacquemond reads the Egyptian ârepublic of lettersâ as one that can be defined âliterallyâ. He explains that:
To enter the field is to enter a public space in which one is always a member of a party, and is always constrained to be a member of a party, and in which all the ordinary acts of professional life, such as publishing a text, attending a conference, accepting a literary prize, or putting oneâs name forward for a literary prize, can be interpreted in political terms. (2008, p. 105)
Here I will refer to an Arab ârepublic of lettersâ as the larger space of literary production across the Arab world where similar, but not identical, imaginative and practical constraints and possibilities have been available for writers, both independent voices and party members, as they are exposed to the workings of the state and society. While some citizens of the Arab ârepublic of lettersâ surfed the revolutionary wave only when the intellectual and psychological barrier of fear started to founder in late 2010, others had already campaigned, defied censorship, and more importantly contributed the fictional outlines of the realities that triggered the transformations of 2011â13, including social and spatial injustice, disappearance and political prisons, surveillance and exile.
Across the Arab world, different generations of writers have offered public intellectual opposition to the repressive practices of successive regimes, exposing social and political injustices that often impacted the spaces of their countries, and fueling the popular imagination with visionary images of its revolutionary potential. Libyan scholar Ali Abdullatif Ahmida argues that: âLike Latin American writers, Arab poets and novelists have been active in political and social challenges of postcolonial society and are taken very seriously by the public. [ ... ] These writers play a public role similar to the role played by American public intellectuals, such as Noam Chomsky, Cornel West, and Edward Saidâ (2005, p. 56).
The image of pan-Arab tyranny and the pan-Arab voice of the intellectual resisting it in the post-independence era is brilliantly captured by the Syrian poet Nizar Qabbani who writes in âA Very Secret Report ... from (Smother Land)â (published in Arabic as âTaqrir sirri jiddan ... min bilad (qamâistan)â):
Would you like a brief report/On the realm of Smother Land?/It stretches from North Africa/to the land of Petro-stan/From the shores of misery to those of murder/[ ... ] Do you know who I am/A citizen who dreams of reaching the rank of animal/Who fears sitting in a coffeehouse/ In case the state emerged out of nowhere/[ ... ] I avoid entering any mosque/So as not to be accused of practicing my faith/[ ... ]My friends:/You are the true poetry/Whether the Sultan laughs or frowns/ Or becomes angry/[ ... ] My friends:/I am still waiting for you/To light the flame. ([My translation], [1984] 2004, pp. 25â42)
Qabbaniâs representation captures with immense poetic power and political edge the entire political geography of the Arab world, its dictators, police states, and discontented people. As a public intellectual in exile, he represents the oppressed people who would potentially revolt thus concretizing the true poetry that is the rebellion of which his words carry the spirit and vision across the Arab world.
Dictatorships and authoritarian police states have dominated the political geography of Arab states and kingdoms from Morocco to Yemen for most of the decades following the revolutions and collapse of empires that ended the colonial rule of each of these countries by Britain, France, and Italy. Moreover, prisons and public squares across these countries have formed the stages of individual protest and then the collective revolts against the dictators who initially promised reforms but more often than not became jailors of their own people. However, it would be wrong to approach these dictatorships and police states, the uprisings that shook or toppled them in the last two years, or the literatures that âanticipatedâ these transformations in various ways, as uniformly part of pan-Arab homogeneous geopolitical and cultural landscapes.
In a recent article on the centrality of the âcampâ to the recent uprisings, Adam Ramadan argues that: âThe prison camp, the protest camp and the refugee camp [ ... ] are three key spaces through which contemporary power struggles between states and peoples are being articulatedâ (2013, p. 146). On the one hand, it is possible to use this excellent political geographical platform to argue that the spaces of incarceration, displacement, and protest characterize almost the entire landscape that erupted in rage and rebellion in late 2010. On the other hand, it would be counter-productive and incorrect to merely approach them as a uniform pattern across the Arab world. While the political geographies of oppression and revolt and the dynamics of the relevant literatures are comparable, the particularities of each context are evident and require scrutiny. This is the reason why this study approaches each of the selected contexts (Egypt, Libya, and Syria in addition to Tunisia in the introduction) individually rather than placing together the variously distinct contexts under thematic titles.
Looking back from the present moment reveals a panorama of post-colonial struggles and anti-authoritarian protests in which writers and artists, for almost a century, have influenced and shaped the popular imagination that brought about change. However, when focusing our attention on precisely 2011 as a watershed moment in the rebirth of history in the Arab world, the last 15 years of literary production emerge as the platform on which much of the cultural imaginary of the spirit of the recent revolt was formed. Recently, there has been huge critical interest in the early and later twentieth-century poetry that was appropriated by the protesters in the Arab worldâs squares in 2011. In this context, many critics have noted the impact of the poetry of Tunisian Abu al-Qassim Al-Shabi, in particular his poem âIradat al-Hayatâ (âThe Will...