This book explores Korean literature from a broadly global perspective from the mid-9th century to the present, with special emphasis on how it has been influenced by, as well as it has influenced, literatures of other nations. Beginning with the Korean version of the King Midas and his ass's ears tale in the Silla dynasty, it moves on to discuss Ewa, what might be called the first missionary novel about Korea written by a Western missionary W. Arthur Noble. The book also considers the extent to which in writing fiction and essays Jack London gained grist for his writing from his experience in Korea as a Russo-Japanese War correspondent. In addition, the book explores how modern Korean poetry, fiction, and drama, despite differences in time and space, have actively engaged with Western counterparts. Based on World Literature, which has gained slow but prominent popularity all over the world, this book argues that Korean literature deserves to be part of the Commonwealth of Letters.
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Wook-Dong KimGlobal Perspectives on Korean Literaturehttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8727-2_1
Begin Abstract
1. The King Midas Tale in Ancient Korea
Wook-Dong Kim1
(1)
Ulsan, Korea (Republic of)
Wook-Dong Kim
End Abstract
The age-old and world-wide tale of the Phrygian King Midas who grew assâs ears has a Korean counterpart. King Gyeongmunâs tale in the Kingdom of Silla, as described in Samguk Yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) written by the Korean Buddhist monk Iryeon (1206â1289), demonstrates remarkable structural as well as thematic similarities to that of King Midas. Of course, the Korean tale regarding King Gyeongmun is one of many versions of the King Midas tale that exist in a number of countriesâ folklore. It clearly indicates that the Phrygian tale extends throughout the world from the Western to the Eastern Hemisphere, and far more widely than first seemed apparent. In The Types of International Folktales, Hans-Jörg Uther lists 46 versions of the Midas tale and its variants from a variety of languages, regions, and cultures. The Korean taleâof course, with slight circumstantial variationsâis clearly a good addition to the group.
A prominent modern Korean historian and pioneering publisher in the early twentieth century, Choe Nam-seon, first called scholarsâ attention to certain similarities between the two tales as early as 1929. A committed bibliophile, he was one of the first Korean intellectuals to obtain a copy of Samguk Yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) written by the Korean Buddhist monk Iryeon and then had it printed in Korea (Fig. 1.1). In a short essay, Choe (1919, 45) pointed out that the apparently ridiculous story about the Silla King was similar in a significant way to that of King Midas. A decade or so later, L. G. Paik, in âKorean Folktales and Its Relation to Folklores of the West,â also noticed the similarities between the two tales (1934, 73â76). Written in English, this essay gained a wider readership in the 1930s, when Korea was under Japanese colonial rule. It was much later, in 1977, that Alex Scobie brought the Korean variant of the Midas tale to international academia for the first time by publishing a note on the topic for the prestigious journal Folklore. Based on the internal narrative evidence, he claimed in his âA Korean Midas Taleâ that the Korean tale is the earliest known East Asian variant that dates back to the ninth century (1977, 88â90).
However, what is little known to the general reader as well as scholars is not only the extent to which the Korean tale about the Silla King and the Phrygian tale of King Midas resemble and differ, but also the process of the dissemination of the Korean tale. In what significant ways are both tales similar and different? By what process did it come into being in the ancient Korean Kingdom of Silla? How was the tale included in Samguk Yusa, the book previously almost disregarded by serious historians? And what made the story applicable to a particular kingâin this case, King Gyeongmun, the 48th ruler of the Kingdom of Silla? Despite some meaningful though brief references to the Midas tale and its Korean variant, a more detailed investigation of the subject is in order. In this chapter, I will attempt to answer these questions. In the process, it will hopefully be revealed that human beingsâ penchant for fantastic tales are not only deep-rooted but also universal, reaching far beyond cultural boundaries.
1.1 Diffusions of the Midas Tale into Ancient Korea
In the Midas tale, whenever the south wind blew it carried the royal secret everywhere it went: âthe King has donkey ears.â Just as a gentle wind spread the royal secret of King Midas to all of Phrygia, so has such a wind brought this story to the outside world beyond Asia Minor and across so many generations. As early as 1911, William Crooke stated, âI have been as yet unable to trace this much-travelled tale further east than Indiaâ (1911, 183). In fact, the tale has extended in its known eastern diffusion to Tibet, China, and Mongolia and to southeastern countries, such as Cambodia, Vietnam, and Thailand. The tale further extends to Korea, one of the most remote countries located at the far end of the Eastern Hemisphere.
How the Midas tale of Phrygia found itself in Silla still remains something of a mystery, even to folklorists and scholars of literature. It would be reasonable to assume that the two tales emerged spontaneously and independently. If that were the case, this would be an excellent demonstration of collective unconscious in general and archetypal theory in particular as proposed by Carl Jung. Buried deep within the human psyche, the tale may involve not only the shame of physical deformity but also a human desire to release tension by divulging a secret. However, this seems to hardly be the case for two reasons. First, there are other cultures that have no variants of the Midas tale. Second, some versions of the tale were created over a considerably wide time span.
It can be assumed therefore that the Midas tale and its variants are closely related to oral tradition. They might have been widespread, moving from mouth to mouth, until they were finally recorded in a written format. Most probably, the Phrygian tale spread to the Kingdom of Silla from Asia Minor via three main routes: (1) China, (2) India and Indianized states in Southeast Asia, and (3) Arab merchants. By the ninth century, China in general, and the Tang dynasty in particular, exerted the greatest cultural influence on her neighboring countries, particularly Sillaâso much so that the word âTangâ (Dang) was virtually used as a synonym for China long after the dynasty had perished. No better illustration of this can be found than in the Korean vernacular word dangnagwi, meaning a donkey from the Tang dynasty. (Its prefix âdangâ refers to the Tang dynasty while nagwi means an aboriginal donkey.) Aided by Tangâs military forces, Silla conquered the Kingdom of Baekje in 660 and the Kingdom of Goguryeo in 668, unifying the southern and middle portions of the Korean peninsula.
Probably the Phrygian tale, together with other cultural practices, might have been passed to Silla located at the southernmost parts of the Korean peninsula. Chinese cultural influences on Silla were far more extensive than has been generally recognized. Through the use of both land trade along the Silk Road and maritime trade, the Tang gained a variety of new technologies, cultural products, and contemporary artifacts. These could have included cultural contributions the Tang received from places like Turkey. From the Middle East, Asia Minor, and Central Asia, the Tang acquired new ideas in almost every aspect.
As far as the Midas tale is concerned, it might be better to seek its dissemination route in ancient India. Samguk Yusa describes an area on Koreaâs southern coast called Garakguk in ancient times, and its tribes were known as Gaya. Back in AD 48, Princess Heo Hwang-ok (Yellow Jade), who would later become Queen Suro, traveled from the kingdom of Ayodhya in North India to Garakguk. Her parents, the king and queen, said to her, âLast night we had a dream, and in our dream we saw a god who said, âI have sent down Suro to be King of Garak, as Suro is a holy man. He is not yet married, so send your daughter to become his Queen.â Then he ascended to heavenâ (Iryeon 2006, 142). With the firm belief that a god had orchestrated the whole fate, Princess Heo set out on a boat, carrying gold, silver, a tea plant, and a stone which calmed the rough waters. Recently, archeologists have discovered a stone with two fish kissing each other, a symbol of the Kingdom of Gaya that is unique to the royal family in Ayodhya. This royal link provides further evidence that there were active commercial engagements between India and Garakgukâand, for that matter, the Kingdom of Silla as wellâsince the princessâs arrival in ancient Korea. However, scholars have questioned whether Princess Heo actually came from India. It is more likely that she came from one of the Indianized states in Southeast Asia at that time, most probably Champa.
One Korean visitor to India was Hyecho, a Buddhist monk from the Kingdom of Silla. On the advice of his Indian teachers in China, he set out for India in AD 723 to acquaint himself with the language and culture of the land of the Buddha. He wrote a travelogue of his journey to India in classic Chinese, Wang Ocheonchukguk-jeon (An Account of Travel to the Five Indian Kingdoms). The work was long thought to be lost, but a fragment of the manuscript turned up among the Dunhuang manuscripts at the Mogao Caves in the early twentieth century. After arriving by sea in India, Hyecho headed to the Indian Kingdom of Magadha (present-day Bihar), then moved on to visit Kushinagar and Varanasi. However, his journey did not end there, and he continued north, where he visited Lumbini (present-day Nepal), Kashmir, and Islamic countries. Hyecho left India, following the Silk Road toward the west, via Agni or Karasahr, to China, where the account ends in AD 729. In addition to Hyecho, numerous eminent Silla monks made pilgrimages to India to learn about Buddhism. Among them was Wonhyo, one of the most important Buddhist philosophers of his time and a highly influential scholar whose works have had an impact on a wide array of philosophers and writers who came after him, not only in Korea but also in other East Asian countries.
It stands to reason that the Phrygian tale of King Midas might have been disseminated to Silla as part of Buddhist writings. Buddhist writings consist of many anecdotes, fables, and tales other than its sacred texts. The Jataka, for instance, is a huge collection of fables framed as previous incarnations of the Buddha, many of which either have parallels or derivatives in Western folklore and literature. Although the Jataka is not considered part of the canonical Buddhist scripture, it is very popular among the populace as well as among its believers. Each tale typically has a concise moral, and the entire collection is a browserâs delight. In India there are at least four variants of the Midas tale available. In fact, the significance of Buddhism and in particular Buddhist chapbooks in Chinese cannot be overemphasized because they contain Indian tales that became the source of many folktales which Koreans have assumed are âtypicallyâ Korean.
It is most likely, however, that the Midas tale was transmitted to the most remote kingdom of Silla by Arab traders. It was Muslim traders who first brought the name âSillaâ to the world outside the traditional East Asian sphere. Geographers of the Arab and Persian world, notably Ibn Khordadbeh, left records about Silla. In one of the earliest surviving Arabic books of administrative geography entitled The Book of Roads and Kingdoms (ca. AD 846â847), he described the various peoples and provinces of the Abbasid Caliphate. The book also includes, along with maps, descriptions of the land, people and culture of the southern Asian coast as far as Brahmaputra, the Andaman Islands, the Malays...