A History of the Screenplay
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A History of the Screenplay

S. Price

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eBook - ePub

A History of the Screenplay

S. Price

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About This Book

The screenplay is currently the focus of extensive critical re-evaluation, however, as yet there has been no comprehensive study of its historical development. International in scope and placing emphasis on the development and variety of screenplay texts themselves, this book will be an important and innovative addition to the current literature.

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Year
2013
ISBN
9781137315700
1
Prehistory of the Screenplay
There is something quixotic about the pursuit of the ‘first screenplay’, which as Steven Maras warns ‘has proven unhelpful’ because ‘the search for firsts and origins can have the tendency to “fix” the landscape in particular ways, leading to a reductive view of the development and institutionalisation of screenwriting’.1 Yet posing the question can nevertheless function as a worthwhile heuristic device, a means of opening up, if not necessarily providing definitive answers to, other, more substantial questions: What is a screenplay? In what ways, if any, does it function as a ‘planning’ document? Does it presuppose the existence of a written text? If so, must that text possess definable formal properties? In what ways is it distinct from other forms of writing? Is it a product and corollary of the division of labour in early studio systems? Is the terminology—scenario, continuity, screen play, screenplay and so on—significant?
The earliest films were made by individuals or very small groups of people who devised and filmed ‘actualitĂ©s’: visual records of the movement of trains, waves and wind, for example, that fascinated audiences because such events could not previously have been presented in any other medium. If written texts were required in the preparation of such films, they would have been little more than notes that needed to be comprehensible only to their authors. Similarly, any actual writing involved in the preparation of the story films that appeared before the end of the nineteenth century could have been rudimentary at best. Roy P. McCardell, often credited as the first professional writer for films, began working for Biograph in 1898. As Tom Stempel notes, his stories
must have been relatively simple, since the films of the period were not much longer than a minute or so. At their least structured, the films of 1898 were still just photographs of interesting movement of some kind. At their more complex, they consisted of a single action, photographed in a single take, from one angle.2
No script from this period has survived, partly because at this date there was no need for anything possessing even the functions, let alone the form, of the modern screenplay. It is a logical inference that it was the introduction of longer and more complex narrative films in the early years of the new century that heralded the beginning of screenwriting. Narrative films have been estimated to comprise just 12 per cent of films made in 1900, but 96 per cent of films in 1908,3 with actualitĂ©s outnumbering narrative films until as late as 1906.4 The length of films increased from the initial limit of 50 feet to 250–400 feet by 1900, and 300–600 feet by 1903. The greater duration entailed the construction of sequences linked into a coherent narrative. The ‘seemingly obvious yet strangely elusive’ conclusion drawn by Edward Azlant is ‘that this vital transition involves the birth of screenwriting, a craft that could be fairly described as the prearrangement of scenes, right up to the present’.5
Like the more recent work of Ian W. Macdonald, who prefers the term ‘screen idea’ to ‘screenplay’,6 and Maras, who substitutes ‘scripting’ for ‘writing’,7 Azlant here extends the concept of screenwriting beyond the production of a written text and towards the idea of film writing as a concept or a process, written or otherwise. For Macdonald and Maras, this avoids a recurrent error in the study of screenwriting, whereby the text is conceived as a stable blueprint from which the film is subsequently made. This is rarely the case in actual film production, in which the screenplay is subject to constant revision and creative preparation involves work in media other than writing. In the particular case of early screenwriting, Azlant’s argument, that it designates a ‘prearrangement of scenes’ rather than, necessarily, an actual text, accurately describes what was probably the practice of a large number of early film-makers, and neatly sidesteps the desire to uncover the chimerical first screenplay.
Indeed, anecdotal evidence for the general absence of writing in the early years of film is strong. Gene Gauntier, who began working for the Kalem company as late as 1907, recalls that at that date ‘[t]here never was a scenario to hand, and Sid [Olcott], after finishing the previous week’s work, would hang around the lean-to office waiting for something to turn up’.8 Such Micawber-like serendipity was widespread. The anonymous writer of ‘The Confessions of a Scenario Editor’ records a film producer working in New York around 1907 remarking that ‘we think up the whole thing as we go along’, and crucially noted that at this time ‘scenarios’ could not even be defined: ‘We don’t know what a scenario is either—a real scenario [ 
 ] it’s too early in the game’.9 The seemingly slapdash approach was not confined to America: British pioneer Cecil Hepworth reports that he thought of stories and then constructed the scenery before filming, but he does not mention any intermediary writing process.10
Something was happening, but there is little surviving textual evidence of scenarios prior to 1904. One reason for this is conceptual: pre-production documents of some sort must have existed, but they cannot properly be called scenarios because the conventions that would define them as such were not yet in place. More obviously, to all intents and purposes any such material has disappeared, because of the transitory and provisional nature of the work, the need for early film-makers to practise neither the extensive preparation nor the diligent recordkeeping of the later studio system and the simple passage of time. Consequently, the study of early scriptwriting is often a matter of inference and supposition, a working backwards from effect to cause, in pursuit of texts that may never have existed in the first place.
The frustrating lack of material has contributed to three separate but related areas of confusion in this field: the logical difficulties of the argument from design, the confusion between a source and a scenario, and the difficulty of knowing whether a particular document is a pre-production script or a post-production synopsis.
The argument from design: The LumiĂšre films
Stempel’s description of a 1902 film directed by Edwin S. Porter advances a familiar argument: ‘It is obvious from the lavish production of Jack and the Beanstalk that considerable pre-production preparation was done, which suggests the use of a scenario of some kind.’11 Yet while a complex sequence of events may require careful preparation, it does not follow that the plans will be translated into textual form. Accordingly, most commentators prefer to speak of the design, rather than the scenarios, of early films. For example, the first of the LumiĂšre brothers’ pictures, Sortie d’Usine (1895), is not simply a documentary record of workers exiting the LumiĂšre factory. It is clearly a staged event: the doors open on cue, and the workers exit the frame in an orderly fashion, indicating rehearsal. The film, then, ‘reflects a number of carefully chosen decisions about sequential narrative’, and ‘its organization reflects an order and direction akin to the movement one associates with traditional plot structure’.12 This is even more apparent in L’Arroseur ArrosĂ© (1895), the LumiĂšre film widely accepted as ‘both the first film to tell a story and the first film comedy’.13 A boy stands on a gardener’s hosepipe: when the gardener inspects the nozzle the boy removes his foot, and the gardener is sprayed with water. Louis LumiĂšre recalled in 1948 that ‘the idea of the scenario was suggested to me by a farce by my younger brother Edouard’.14 It is fascinating, if perhaps misleading, that many years after the event Louis would use the term ‘scenario’ in connection with a film of 1895; ‘scenario’ here probably implies a mental concept, or the filmic mise-en-scĂšne, L’Arroseur ArrosĂ© being ‘the prototype of what MĂ©liĂšs called “vues composĂ©es” or “artificially arranged scenes”’.15 There is no need to posit the existence of a written script for such a simple narrative, even though ‘the event depicted is not discovered but created, not recorded but acted, the whole a unified design’.16
Similarly, Marshall Deutelbaum finds little evidence of organisation in Thomas A. Edison’s early Kinetoscope films, which contain much ‘dead time and inconclusiveness’.17 Conversely, of three slightly later Edison films, dating from 1898 to 1899, Kemp R. Niver remarks: ‘All show preproduction thinking, either by use of a script or through rehearsal, and are not news events but planned stories’.18 Both commentators, with appropriate caution, avoid the assumption that design, or lack of it, in such short films in itself provides strong evidence for the presence or absence of a script. A more influential example concerns Porter’s early narrative films, but since these conflate the argument from design with the distorting effects of the post-production catalogue description, they are considered below.
The accidental screenwriter
In studies of early screenwriting, there is a widespread confusion between a source and a scenario. Several films of the late 1890s are demonstrably based on surviving written texts, which arguably performed the function of screenplays. The most commonly cited examples, however, are stage plays and newspaper articles that were not written with films in mind. They therefore provide no evidence of either screenplays or screenwriting practice, although they do reveal early film-makers working methodically from textual adaptation through shooting and perhaps to editing. The temptation to describe such texts as scenarios or screenplays, however tentatively, is a logical error that, repeated sufficiently often, has led to a distorted view of screenwriting activity in the period.
For example, Stempel argues that each of Thomas Edison’s films of performing animals and circus acts, dating from 1895, ‘was just that: an act that had been created and sometimes actually written (even if not specifically for filming) before it appeared in front of the camera’.19 If so, the written plans for these circus acts provide some of the earliest examples of what might be termed ‘the accidental scenario’. Such texts are surprisingly prominent in the standard histories of screenwriting. In August 1896, the former Edison associate W. K. L. Dickson began preparations for a version of Rip Van Winkle, based on a stage adaptation by Joseph Jefferson of Washington Irving’s story. Dickson’s Mutoscope film, according to Patrick Loughney, ‘was the first attempt by an American filmmaker to adapt the complete storyline of a well-known play to cinema’.20 This certainly makes Rip Van Winkle of historical interest and, although it is pushing the claim a little far, one might even accept that Jefferson’s play ‘survives—if not as a true screenplay—then certainly as an important film-related production text from 1896’. But Jefferson’s work was written for the stage; there is no evidence that he intended to translate it to another medium, or that either he or Dickson produced a new, written text from which Dickson worked in creating the film. To describe it as ‘[t]he “screenplay” on which the film was based’21 is to accord it an unwarranted status in history.
Loughney follows in a long tradition of film historians who have sought to find evidence of early screenwriting in other genres. The two most frequently cited examples are Sigmund Lubin’s restaging of a prize fight of 1897 and an 1898 film of the Oberammergau Passion Play, adapted from a stage version written by Salmi Morse. The claim that these films used scenarios was first made in Terry Ramsaye’s highly influential A Million and One Nights: A History of the Motion Picture through 1925, published in 1926. Ramsaye’s method was teleological and evolutionary: he contemplated the cinema around him and looked backwards in an attempt to discover how its magnificent achievement was anticipated in earlier, more rudimentary times. He regards early fight pictures as ‘foetal films’, belonging to a stage before the medium developed into an art form, yet demonstrating, in Lubin’s version of the Corbett-Fitzsimmons fight, an advance through the act of re-creation. Lubin did not have access to the fight itself, and instead engaged two men to re-enact the encounter, their moves prompted by a third man reading aloud from a newspaper report of the fight itself. According to Ramsaye, ‘[t]his was art, —the re-creation of an event—and the “fight by rounds” column was a scenario, but Lubin did not know it’.22
Ramsaye was hoping to find the missing link between such ‘foetal films’ and art. One sign would be the discovery of a film that made use of processes in script adaptation more closely analogous to those of the golden age of silent cinema in which he was writing. Sure enough, he found it, and in the process made from Salmi Morse the Piltdown...

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