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A History of the Screenplay
S. Price
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eBook - ePub
A History of the Screenplay
S. Price
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About This Book
The screenplay is currently the focus of extensive critical re-evaluation, however, as yet there has been no comprehensive study of its historical development. International in scope and placing emphasis on the development and variety of screenplay texts themselves, this book will be an important and innovative addition to the current literature.
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Film Screenwriting1
Prehistory of the Screenplay
There is something quixotic about the pursuit of the âfirst screenplayâ, which as Steven Maras warns âhas proven unhelpfulâ because âthe search for firsts and origins can have the tendency to âfixâ the landscape in particular ways, leading to a reductive view of the development and institutionalisation of screenwritingâ.1 Yet posing the question can nevertheless function as a worthwhile heuristic device, a means of opening up, if not necessarily providing definitive answers to, other, more substantial questions: What is a screenplay? In what ways, if any, does it function as a âplanningâ document? Does it presuppose the existence of a written text? If so, must that text possess definable formal properties? In what ways is it distinct from other forms of writing? Is it a product and corollary of the division of labour in early studio systems? Is the terminologyâscenario, continuity, screen play, screenplay and so onâsignificant?
The earliest films were made by individuals or very small groups of people who devised and filmed âactualitĂ©sâ: visual records of the movement of trains, waves and wind, for example, that fascinated audiences because such events could not previously have been presented in any other medium. If written texts were required in the preparation of such films, they would have been little more than notes that needed to be comprehensible only to their authors. Similarly, any actual writing involved in the preparation of the story films that appeared before the end of the nineteenth century could have been rudimentary at best. Roy P. McCardell, often credited as the first professional writer for films, began working for Biograph in 1898. As Tom Stempel notes, his stories
must have been relatively simple, since the films of the period were not much longer than a minute or so. At their least structured, the films of 1898 were still just photographs of interesting movement of some kind. At their more complex, they consisted of a single action, photographed in a single take, from one angle.2
No script from this period has survived, partly because at this date there was no need for anything possessing even the functions, let alone the form, of the modern screenplay. It is a logical inference that it was the introduction of longer and more complex narrative films in the early years of the new century that heralded the beginning of screenwriting. Narrative films have been estimated to comprise just 12 per cent of films made in 1900, but 96 per cent of films in 1908,3 with actualitĂ©s outnumbering narrative films until as late as 1906.4 The length of films increased from the initial limit of 50 feet to 250â400 feet by 1900, and 300â600 feet by 1903. The greater duration entailed the construction of sequences linked into a coherent narrative. The âseemingly obvious yet strangely elusiveâ conclusion drawn by Edward Azlant is âthat this vital transition involves the birth of screenwriting, a craft that could be fairly described as the prearrangement of scenes, right up to the presentâ.5
Like the more recent work of Ian W. Macdonald, who prefers the term âscreen ideaâ to âscreenplayâ,6 and Maras, who substitutes âscriptingâ for âwritingâ,7 Azlant here extends the concept of screenwriting beyond the production of a written text and towards the idea of film writing as a concept or a process, written or otherwise. For Macdonald and Maras, this avoids a recurrent error in the study of screenwriting, whereby the text is conceived as a stable blueprint from which the film is subsequently made. This is rarely the case in actual film production, in which the screenplay is subject to constant revision and creative preparation involves work in media other than writing. In the particular case of early screenwriting, Azlantâs argument, that it designates a âprearrangement of scenesâ rather than, necessarily, an actual text, accurately describes what was probably the practice of a large number of early film-makers, and neatly sidesteps the desire to uncover the chimerical first screenplay.
Indeed, anecdotal evidence for the general absence of writing in the early years of film is strong. Gene Gauntier, who began working for the Kalem company as late as 1907, recalls that at that date â[t]here never was a scenario to hand, and Sid [Olcott], after finishing the previous weekâs work, would hang around the lean-to office waiting for something to turn upâ.8 Such Micawber-like serendipity was widespread. The anonymous writer of âThe Confessions of a Scenario Editorâ records a film producer working in New York around 1907 remarking that âwe think up the whole thing as we go alongâ, and crucially noted that at this time âscenariosâ could not even be defined: âWe donât know what a scenario is eitherâa real scenario [ ⊠] itâs too early in the gameâ.9 The seemingly slapdash approach was not confined to America: British pioneer Cecil Hepworth reports that he thought of stories and then constructed the scenery before filming, but he does not mention any intermediary writing process.10
Something was happening, but there is little surviving textual evidence of scenarios prior to 1904. One reason for this is conceptual: pre-production documents of some sort must have existed, but they cannot properly be called scenarios because the conventions that would define them as such were not yet in place. More obviously, to all intents and purposes any such material has disappeared, because of the transitory and provisional nature of the work, the need for early film-makers to practise neither the extensive preparation nor the diligent recordkeeping of the later studio system and the simple passage of time. Consequently, the study of early scriptwriting is often a matter of inference and supposition, a working backwards from effect to cause, in pursuit of texts that may never have existed in the first place.
The frustrating lack of material has contributed to three separate but related areas of confusion in this field: the logical difficulties of the argument from design, the confusion between a source and a scenario, and the difficulty of knowing whether a particular document is a pre-production script or a post-production synopsis.
The argument from design: The LumiĂšre films
Stempelâs description of a 1902 film directed by Edwin S. Porter advances a familiar argument: âIt is obvious from the lavish production of Jack and the Beanstalk that considerable pre-production preparation was done, which suggests the use of a scenario of some kind.â11 Yet while a complex sequence of events may require careful preparation, it does not follow that the plans will be translated into textual form. Accordingly, most commentators prefer to speak of the design, rather than the scenarios, of early films. For example, the first of the LumiĂšre brothersâ pictures, Sortie dâUsine (1895), is not simply a documentary record of workers exiting the LumiĂšre factory. It is clearly a staged event: the doors open on cue, and the workers exit the frame in an orderly fashion, indicating rehearsal. The film, then, âreflects a number of carefully chosen decisions about sequential narrativeâ, and âits organization reflects an order and direction akin to the movement one associates with traditional plot structureâ.12 This is even more apparent in LâArroseur ArrosĂ© (1895), the LumiĂšre film widely accepted as âboth the first film to tell a story and the first film comedyâ.13 A boy stands on a gardenerâs hosepipe: when the gardener inspects the nozzle the boy removes his foot, and the gardener is sprayed with water. Louis LumiĂšre recalled in 1948 that âthe idea of the scenario was suggested to me by a farce by my younger brother Edouardâ.14 It is fascinating, if perhaps misleading, that many years after the event Louis would use the term âscenarioâ in connection with a film of 1895; âscenarioâ here probably implies a mental concept, or the filmic mise-en-scĂšne, LâArroseur ArrosĂ© being âthe prototype of what MĂ©liĂšs called âvues composĂ©esâ or âartificially arranged scenesââ.15 There is no need to posit the existence of a written script for such a simple narrative, even though âthe event depicted is not discovered but created, not recorded but acted, the whole a unified designâ.16
Similarly, Marshall Deutelbaum finds little evidence of organisation in Thomas A. Edisonâs early Kinetoscope films, which contain much âdead time and inconclusivenessâ.17 Conversely, of three slightly later Edison films, dating from 1898 to 1899, Kemp R. Niver remarks: âAll show preproduction thinking, either by use of a script or through rehearsal, and are not news events but planned storiesâ.18 Both commentators, with appropriate caution, avoid the assumption that design, or lack of it, in such short films in itself provides strong evidence for the presence or absence of a script. A more influential example concerns Porterâs early narrative films, but since these conflate the argument from design with the distorting effects of the post-production catalogue description, they are considered below.
The accidental screenwriter
In studies of early screenwriting, there is a widespread confusion between a source and a scenario. Several films of the late 1890s are demonstrably based on surviving written texts, which arguably performed the function of screenplays. The most commonly cited examples, however, are stage plays and newspaper articles that were not written with films in mind. They therefore provide no evidence of either screenplays or screenwriting practice, although they do reveal early film-makers working methodically from textual adaptation through shooting and perhaps to editing. The temptation to describe such texts as scenarios or screenplays, however tentatively, is a logical error that, repeated sufficiently often, has led to a distorted view of screenwriting activity in the period.
For example, Stempel argues that each of Thomas Edisonâs films of performing animals and circus acts, dating from 1895, âwas just that: an act that had been created and sometimes actually written (even if not specifically for filming) before it appeared in front of the cameraâ.19 If so, the written plans for these circus acts provide some of the earliest examples of what might be termed âthe accidental scenarioâ. Such texts are surprisingly prominent in the standard histories of screenwriting. In August 1896, the former Edison associate W. K. L. Dickson began preparations for a version of Rip Van Winkle, based on a stage adaptation by Joseph Jefferson of Washington Irvingâs story. Dicksonâs Mutoscope film, according to Patrick Loughney, âwas the first attempt by an American filmmaker to adapt the complete storyline of a well-known play to cinemaâ.20 This certainly makes Rip Van Winkle of historical interest and, although it is pushing the claim a little far, one might even accept that Jeffersonâs play âsurvivesâif not as a true screenplayâthen certainly as an important film-related production text from 1896â. But Jeffersonâs work was written for the stage; there is no evidence that he intended to translate it to another medium, or that either he or Dickson produced a new, written text from which Dickson worked in creating the film. To describe it as â[t]he âscreenplayâ on which the film was basedâ21 is to accord it an unwarranted status in history.
Loughney follows in a long tradition of film historians who have sought to find evidence of early screenwriting in other genres. The two most frequently cited examples are Sigmund Lubinâs restaging of a prize fight of 1897 and an 1898 film of the Oberammergau Passion Play, adapted from a stage version written by Salmi Morse. The claim that these films used scenarios was first made in Terry Ramsayeâs highly influential A Million and One Nights: A History of the Motion Picture through 1925, published in 1926. Ramsayeâs method was teleological and evolutionary: he contemplated the cinema around him and looked backwards in an attempt to discover how its magnificent achievement was anticipated in earlier, more rudimentary times. He regards early fight pictures as âfoetal filmsâ, belonging to a stage before the medium developed into an art form, yet demonstrating, in Lubinâs version of the Corbett-Fitzsimmons fight, an advance through the act of re-creation. Lubin did not have access to the fight itself, and instead engaged two men to re-enact the encounter, their moves prompted by a third man reading aloud from a newspaper report of the fight itself. According to Ramsaye, â[t]his was art, âthe re-creation of an eventâand the âfight by roundsâ column was a scenario, but Lubin did not know itâ.22
Ramsaye was hoping to find the missing link between such âfoetal filmsâ and art. One sign would be the discovery of a film that made use of processes in script adaptation more closely analogous to those of the golden age of silent cinema in which he was writing. Sure enough, he found it, and in the process made from Salmi Morse the Piltdown...