Republican Orators from Eisenhower to Trump

Andrew S. Crines, Sophia Hatzisavvidou, Andrew S. Crines, Sophia Hatzisavvidou

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2017
• Print ISBN:
  9783319685441
• eBook ISBN:
  9783319685458
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: American Government
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Applies a distinctive analytical framework to Republican Party oratory and rhetoric

Sheds new light on the importance of the communication styles used by high profile political actors in the US Republican Party

Acts as the companion volume to Democratic Orators from JFK to Barack Obama (Palgrave, 2016)

© The Author(s) 2018

Andrew S. Crines and Sophia Hatzisavvidou (eds.)Republican Orators from Eisenhower to TrumpRhetoric, Politics and Societyhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68545-8_1

Begin Abstract

1. Introduction

Andrew S. Crines¹ and Sophia Hatzisavvidou²

(1)

University of Liverpool, Liverpool, UK

(2)

University of Bath, Bath, UK

Andrew S. Crines (Corresponding author)

Sophia Hatzisavvidou

End Abstract

Introduction

The Grand Old Party has been blessed (and frequently cursed) by commanding orators and rhetoricians. Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan, G.W. Bush, and Trump have each—in their own distinctive ways—used political speech to advance not just Republican Party politics but also their own vision for what the United States should be. Indeed, most recently figures such as Reagan, G.W. Bush, and Trump have each stepped outside of what could be considered the ‘mainstream’ of conservative thought in order to push forward an alternative conception of Republican politics. Needless to say, they often come into conflict with their respective mainstreams (and opponents in the Democratic Party), yet through using commanding and/or dominating speech, they have been able to reshape the discourse around their vision. There are various rhetorical strategies which have been employed—indeed, repetitive tropes, use of stories, rhetorical witnesses, and a rhetorically constructed ethos that strives to appeal to their respective audiences. Such techniques reflect the broader traditions of conservative speakers and leaders who have been able to detect and shape the mood of their audiences through convincing oratory and rhetoric. The agenda of this volume is to ask how?

Because ‘oratory has long been a highly prized political skill’ (Leach 2000: 1) in American party politics given the presidential system, it is unsurprising that academic and political interest focuses on the performance of leading individuals. Indeed, such individuals often emerge as the focal point of their respective parties, facilitated in part because of the high visibility of the Office of the President. This by no means prevents other leading figures from attracting attention. For example, Goldwater, Dole, Quayle, Gingrich, Rice, McCain, and Palin have not secured the presidency (despite some attempts to do so), yet they carved out visible profiles for themselves that attracted (or continues to attract) popular support. However, the presidential system compels leading orators to take their message beyond the party and towards the American middle class.

Rhetoric and oratory are vital ingredients in a healthy democratic system—it is a fact that ‘has long been recognised, with the art of oratory being admired, analysed and taught since the age of Athenian democracy’ (Crines and Hayton 2015: 1). The art of commanding and convincing rhetoric represents the means by which a leading orator may persuade, navigate, and shape the relationship between those who govern and those who are governed. In the United States especially, this relationship represents a keystone (constitutionally protected principle) within the democratic system. Indeed, the process of communication represents the very fabric of American politics which compels presidents and leading figures to listen and respond to the citizenry. Understanding this principle of American politics is fundamental to understand the constitution, rhetorical style, and the respect held by many for the Office of the President and the unique place that leading speakers come to hold. It is an assumption that freedom of speech is hardwired not only into the American political system but also those who participate in it.

Whilst oratory and rhetoric are vital to the health and vitality of the American political system, little exists within the existing literature that provides a systematic analysis of leading Republican Party leaders. Instead, the focus tends towards analysing presidential leadership (see Greenstein 2009). Given the significance of rhetoric and oratory, this is a surprising omission. However, a previous volume—Democratic Orators from JFK to Barack Obama—does provide a systematic analysis of leading figures in the Democratic Party, yet no volume exists on the Republican Party. Consequently, this volume addresses the omission.

We should also briefly clarify the reasoning for the figures under discussion in this volume. Needless to say, many examples of Republican Party oratory exist, yet the selected 13 figures have been selected due to their significance on conservative politics in the United States during their respective historical periods. Eisenhower represents something of a shift in the styles of rhetoric in the post-war period. This was mostly facilitated by the changes in broadcast technologies (from radio to television) which in itself affected how noteworthy politicians communicated with their respective audiences. As a consequence, styles of rhetoric became shorter, more available to larger audiences, with a more accessible form of language relative to the longer and more deliberative forms of speech prior to these changes in broadcasting technology. Indeed, prior to the speedy development of television in the 1950s, political messages were communicated through slower mediums such as print media, infrequent radio broadcasts, or public meetings.

The onset of television changed the rhetorical style, thereby enabling communication with much larger audiences. Yet, it would be remiss to discount the impact of the more recent advances brought by the internet on political rhetoric. Most of the figures under discussion in this volume were restricted to television or print media, yet more recently social media has had a noteworthy impact on Western political discourse. Few embody this change more than Donald Trump, who uses social media (particularly Twitter) to reshape reality through his political rhetoric. This represents something of a sea-change moment (similar to television) and the rhetorical style and quality of democratic discourse. Indeed, as Chap. 14 observes, Trump’s rhetoric often subverts many of the conventions of discourse which the other 13 figures were constrained by. In turn, the quality of American democracy faces a significant shift.

The main focus of this volume is the impact of political rhetoric and oratory upon leading figures within Republican Party politics. These orators affected the development of Republican Party politics at a grass-roots and/or elite level. These are representative samples of shifts and drivers in conservative rhetoric in the United States, and are by no means exhaustive. Consequently, this volume takes a broader view of what is meant by effective Republican Party leaders—we do not constrain ourselves to simply presidents.

Moreover, this volume acknowledges the distinction between rhetoric and oratory as a means of conducting an academic analysis. In its most simple terms, ‘rhetoric’ here means the content of a speech, whilst ‘oratory’ means the delivery of a speech. Each is vital to garner political success; however for the purposes of the academic analyses within this volume, they are taken in isolation. We concern ourselves with the style of delivery (oratory) as employed by the figures themselves, whilst acknowledging that the rhetoric itself will likely have been produced by others (such as speechwriters). In concert with each other, we evaluate how leading Republicans construct and deliver an effective oration.

Furthermore, we frame our analyses within rhetorical traditions. To do this we employ the modes of persuasion as developed by Aristotle (2004). Specifically, these are ethos (appeals to character/credibility); pathos (appeals to emotion); logos (appeals to logic, reason, empirical evidence). The modes of persuasion represent a systematic framework through which each of the following chapters revolves. These are asymmetrical and may be used in differing proportions depending on the political/historical context faced by each figure, audience expectations, and individual styles of delivery. The academic value of the modes of persuasion will be considered in more detail in the next section.

By using this common analytical framework, this volume examines the oratory and rhetoric of 13 leading Republican Party figures from Eisenhower to Donald Trump. To ensure greater intellectual cohesion, each chapter also draws out the oratorical skills in three core arenas of engagement. These are (i) the Party, (ii) the wider support base, and (iii) the American people. Consequently, this volume adopts a systematic framework which is flexible enough to reflect the various contexts of each figure, whilst being cohesive enough to represent a clear analytical approach as a means of capturing something of the flavour of each figure under discussion.

The Academic Study of Oratory and Rhetoric

The academic study of communication in the United States is an established yet expanding subfield of political analysis. Before proceeding it is worth to briefly reflect on Schumpeter’s argument in Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy that ‘the democratic method is that institutional arrangement for arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to govern by means of a competitive struggle for people’s vote’ (Schumpeter 1976: 269). Furthermore for Riker, who argues in The Art of Political Manipulation, that rhetoric can be used ‘to show the logical weakness of an opponent’s intellectual position. It persuades by revealing the opponent’s weakness and implying thereby the speaker’s strength’ (Riker 1986: 7). Both arguments suggest that the purpose of political rhetoric is to advance the prospect of individual democratic success within the deliberative process.

These are joined by Monroe and Ehninger’s Principles of Speech Communication (1964), Steven Lucas’s The Art of Public Speaking (2011), and Robert Lehrman’s The Political Speechwriters Companion (2011) as examples of valuable research that explain the rhetorical relationship between the governed and the governors. Furthermore, George Campbell notes that the theory of rhetoric is the ‘art or talent by which discourse is adapted to its end. The four ends of discourse are to enlighten the understanding, please the imagination, move the passion, and influence the will’ (Golden and Corbett 1990: 145). Compelling the audience to some form of action is a key objective of effective communication. Regardless, these interpretivist concepts are designed to appeal to the passions of an audience, which are arguably essential elements of human nature. Indeed, ‘not until human nature is other than what it is, will the function of the living voice – the greatest force on earth among men – cease’ (Ward Beecher quoted in Howard 2010: 172). Henry Ward Beecher goes on by arguing that ‘I advocate, therefore, in its full extent, and for every reason of humanity, of patriotism, and of religion, a more thorough culture of oratory and I define oratory to be the art of influencing conduct with the truth set home by all the resources of the living man’ (Ibid.). This is an abstraction, of which rhetoric is a fundamental component, in the understanding of the human condition and what Riker described as the art of its manipulation.

We should also remember that in his seminal text, The Rhetorical Presidency, Jeffrey Tulis analysed the various yet growing uses of rhetorical strategies by American presidents (Tulis 1987). In his work, he argued that rhetoric ‘is a profound development in American politics. ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Frontmatter
• 1. Introduction
• 2. The Oratory of Dwight D. Eisenhower
• 3. The Oratory of Barry Goldwater
• 4. The Oratory of Richard Nixon
• 5. The Oratory of Ronald Reagan
• 6. The Oratory of Robert Dole
• 7. The Oratory of George H.W. Bush
• 8. The Oratory of Dan Quayle
• 9. The Oratory of Newt Gingrich
• 10. The Oratory of George W. Bush
• 11. The Oratory of Condoleezza Rice
• 12. The Oratory of John McCain
• 13. The Oratory of Sarah Palin
• 14. The Oratory of Donald Trump
• 15. Conclusion: Oratory and Rhetoric in Republican Party Politics
• Backmatter