Picturing the Ottoman Armenian World
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Picturing the Ottoman Armenian World

Photography in Erzerum, Harput, Van and Beyond

David Low

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eBook - ePub

Picturing the Ottoman Armenian World

Photography in Erzerum, Harput, Van and Beyond

David Low

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About This Book

The Armenian contribution to Ottoman photography is supposedly well known, with histories documenting the famous Ottoman Armenian-run studios of the imperial capital that produced Orientalist visions for tourists and images of modernity for a domestic elite. Neglected, however, have been the practitioners of the eastern provinces where the majority of Ottoman Armenians were to be found, with the result that their role in the medium has been obscured and wider Armenian history and experience distorted. Photography in the Ottoman East was grounded in very different concerns, with the work of studios rooted in the seismic social, political and cultural shifts that reshaped the region and Armenian lives during the empire's last decades. The first study of its kind, this book examines photographic activity in three sites on the Armenian plateau: Erzurum, Harput and Van. Arguing that local photographic practices were marked by the dominant activities and movements of these places, it describes a medium bound up in educational endeavours, mass migration and revolutionary politics. The camera both responded to and became the instrument of these phenomena. Light is shone on previously unknown practitioners and, more vitally, a perspective gained on the communities that they served. The book suggests that by contemplating the ways in which photographs were made, used, circulated and seen, we might form a picture of the Ottoman Armenian world.

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Publisher
I.B. Tauris
Year
2022
ISBN
9780755600403
Chapter 1
ESCAPING CONSTANTINOPLE, OR A LITTLE HISTORY OF PHOTOGRAPHY IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
The history of photography is a history of disappearances and exclusions.
It is a history that mimics the occlusive actions of its subject. Like the camera, it leaves outside the frame all that it does not want to see, all that it does not want to record, while all the while trading in ideas of truth, clarity and revelation. It tends to offer neat and ordered narratives, and only on rare occasion are we presented with something muddier and more difficult to pin down, as when Walter Benjamin opens his ‘little’ history of the medium in a haze, writing of a ‘fog’ surrounding and shrouding the medium’s beginnings.1 It is in stark contrast to the conventional moment of clarity with which many histories begin, best witnessed in the frequent employment of painter Paul Delaroche’s alleged pronouncement upon learning of the new medium in 1839, ‘From today painting is dead.’ It is not so much the statement itself that is important, Stephen Bann tells us, but rather its regular reiteration by historians. As the history of photography’s most oft-repeated phrase, it becomes a shorthand signifier for the medium’s ‘radical novelty’ and a bold new beginning. In place of ‘From today painting is dead’, we read ‘From today photography is alive.’ Its deployment serves to signal what photography is not, betraying ‘a deep-seated need to cut photography off from the history in which it was engendered’.2 The history of photography forms itself into what Bann terms a ‘tunnel history’, created when historians, in dogged pursuit of their scholarly object, become blind to other possible forms of history and the wider histories beyond their own specific narratives. Delaroche’s words are made to operate, in short, as an exclusionary declaration of identity, with the history of photography stating where its parameters lie and what it refuses to recognize as part of itself.
The birth of photography precipitated departure. Within weeks of François Arago’s 1839 announcement of Louis Daguerre’s invention to the French chamber of deputies, the first photographic ‘explorers’ – including NoĂ«l Paymal Lerebours, Pierre Joly de LotbiniĂšre, as well as French painter Horace Vernet and his nephew FrĂ©dĂ©ric Goupil-Fesquet – were heading eastwards upon their Excursions Daguerriennes, to use the term Lerebours gave to his landmark 1841 publication.3 A wide, lucrative market was created, and via numerous means – prints, books, the illustrated press and the great universal exhibitions of the nineteenth century – photography became a primary way by which largely urban mass audiences in the West gained visual access to ‘the Orient’ and the wider world, thus coming to ‘know’ it.4 Oliver Wendell Holmes described photography’s distillation of the world into image-objects – an extraction of ‘form from matter’ – that allowed viewers to see distant corners, indeed seemingly to tread in those parts themselves and form an intimate connection to them: ‘I pass, in a moment, from the banks of the Charles to the ford of the Jordan, and leave my outward frame in the arm-chair at my table, while in spirit I am looking down upon Jerusalem from the Mount of Olives.’5 Photographs retained this element of magic, but the knowledge that they offered was essentially predicated on an understanding of them as pieces of incontestable objective truth. These were held to be, in the words of Auguste Salzmann who was awarded a gold medal at the Paris Exposition Universelle in 1855 for his recent depictions of Jerusalem, ‘not narratives, but facts endowed with a conclusive brutality’.6 Salzmann belonged to the generation that followed in the wake of the earliest pioneers, a generation that included Maxime du Camp, Francis Frith, Francis Bedford, James Robertson and Felice Beato, ‘avatars of art, science, adventure, and opportunism’, entangled in a variety of discourses and enterprises.7 Yet it was art that won out as these figures were inducted into aesthetic and connoisseurial histories of photography over the course of the twentieth century. Abigail Solomon-Godeau can be found lamenting an art history of the medium that had set about removing photographs from their original orbits. ‘The tendency to lump together willy-nilly under the unifying rubric of art’ a multitude of diverse photographic practitioners, she declares, ‘has resulted in the neglect, if not obfuscation, of important questions of intent, context, and production.’8 It was a tendency that only further domesticated and naturalized their narratives, for, contrary to Salzmann, narratives are precisely what photographs present. The constructed nature of photography’s visions of the East passed largely without notice or comment for most of the camera’s history, until Edward Said, emphasizing ‘representations as representations, not as “natural” depictions of the Orient’, asserted that the image of the East consumed in the West was one specifically produced by the West, and produced as part of its wider political consumption of the region.9 Just as such representations should not be thought of as natural, so too should they not be considered politically neutral but rather implicitly linked to the imperial circumstances in which they were created, bound up in those power relations and implicated in the establishment and maintenance of Western dominance.
Orientalism was both born of and helped to construct a vision premised on the East being ‘other’: an inferior, degraded version of the Western ‘self’. Photographically, it comprised a complex set of representational strategies propped up by the medium’s rhetoric of truth. In particular, we might draw attention to social-scientific visual practices, frequently in the form of ‘types’, consistent and rigid frontal views of figures displaying the particular physical characteristics and cultural traits thought to define a given group, inspecting the body for material signs of difference.10 The proposition presented by such images was one of non-Western cultures existing at earlier stages of human development.11 While studio practice saw, in this way, indigenous people turned into signs of ‘otherness’, depictions of the world beyond the studio frequently witnessed their disappearance. The picturing of landscapes, monuments and colonial encampments, by ‘showing so much of the world to be empty, was unconsciously assimilated to the justifications for an expanding empire’ suggests Solomon-Godeau.12 Ali Behdad writes of this as ‘photographic unpeopling’, the elimination of local people from views that attests to a concern not for living, contemporary cultures but for an idea of the ‘faded glory’ of the East. It is an operation at work in the metropolis as well, as Behdad demonstrates with a James Robertson view of Hagia Sophia, set within a largely empty Constantinople city space.13 Photographs like Robertson’s conjured a city of romantic fantasy that impressed itself on Western travellers long before they saw the place with their own eyes, and when they did finally arrive in the city it was not through their own eyes that they saw it but through such images.
Orientalist photography was a form of visual appropriation that cannot be divorced from colonial acquisitiveness. Photographs constituted instances of imperial rhetoric that allowed for the possession of the East in imagination and in fact, playing a role in the enactment of authority over colonized people and places, its powers and its politics all the while masquerading as ‘brute fact’. Such works, according to Linda Nochlin, ‘cannot be confronted without a critical analysis of the particular power structure in which [they] came into being’.14 In her assessment, there lies the suggestion of the cloak of invisibility under which power has historically been allowed to operate, working away quietly amidst the supposed objectivity of photographs, not addressed critically, not confronted. The historiographical turn in the wake of Said revealed the blind spots of previous writing on photography, its failure to acknowledge the perspective and positions from which pictures are made. It had itself embraced something akin to the Western Orientalist viewpoint, an embrace that had allowed historians to understand for so long constructed visions as natural emanations or as aesthetic renderings. This serves as a crucial lesson in the way historians’ viewpoints can merge with those of their subjects; it is not simply photographs that we need examine with a critical eye but histories, paying heed to the perspectives from which they themselves are constructed.
The study of Orientalism, however, has changed with age, the brazen young firebrand giving way to the dully respectable elder statesman. Orientalist practice has become so widely accepted as an aspect of photographic production in the Middle East that it has become, in many quarters, the central and indeed only aspect of that history. According to Michelle Woodward, the Orientalist approach is so prevalent that it verges on clichĂ©,15 while it is the ‘elephant in the room’ for Zeynep Çelik and Edhem Eldem, a norm that goes unquestioned.16 It has morphed since the days of Said, Nochlin and Solomon-Godeau, from a vital, radical rethinking of images and their role in knowledge production to something trite and formulaic that prefers the application of overarching theory to close scrutiny of photographic sources, often failing to engage with historical and geographical contexts and the specificities of production and dissemination.17 Hampered by presumption and preconception, it tends to focus on its own set of concerns to the detriment of other facets of historical photography, and even some of the best work in the field has the habit of forming itself into a tunnel history. We witness an over-reliance on well-known, accessible collections, the Pierre de Gigord Collection and the Ken and Jenny Jacobson Collection – both held at the Getty Research Center, and both composed largely of tourist albums – being called upon above all, elevated to the status of authoritative holdings that disclose the inherent truth about picture-making practices in the region.18 Yet analyses so heavily focused and circumscribed offer self-fulfilling arguments and advance only our understanding of specific collectors’ sensibilities and interests (it stands to reason that a study of the collection of Pierre de Gigord, whose creation Ali Behdad expertly skewers as ‘an un-selfreflexive, not to mention unapologetic, form of exoticism’, will produce evidence of exoticism in photography).19 At the same time, collections are not quite as monolithic as is supposed, for on top of the selections made by photographers and collectors come those of scholars.20
At the heart of this lies one essential act of selection, the decision to focus on Western colonial perspectives. The gaze of the Western world, even when examined critically, serves to re-inscribe the West as the foundational site of photography and excludes – denies even – the presence of local and indigenous photographers with their own approach to image-making as part of a domestic system of production.21 It is no surprise to find this as a common trait of writing on the Ottoman Empire. There are distinct lines of correlation between this approach to reading colonial imagery and a dominant vein of mainstream Ottoman historiography, the wider paradigm of the ‘Eastern question school’ in which the Ottoman Empire is exotic, moribund and essentially passive, existing only as a factor in Great Power politics, acted upon yet never acting itself.22 But just as historians such as Donald Quataert have taken pains to reinstall a sense of Ottoman agency in wider historiography, so too has a strand of the history of photography developed an interest in domestic Ottoman production, as well as questioning Western hegemonic constructions through a focus on cross-cultural exchange and contestation.23
In a shift of perspective, 1839 becomes a moment of arrival rather than departure. The announcement of Daguerre’s invention in the Ottoman newspaper Takvim-i Vekayi in October of that year becomes a new foundational moment, as does the appearance a few years later of a Monsieur Kompa, a student of Daguerre, and his production of what are reported to be the first daguerreotypes made in Constantinople. Little is known of Kompa beyond what is contained in an 1842 advertisement announcing that he has arrived in the city ‘and is being accommodated at a PĂ©ra tavern called “BelvĂŒâ€ where he also performs his art, particularly on Sundays when he displays his talents for those who come to witness them at a charge’.24 The site of Kompa’s tenure in Constantinople is both unsurprising and worthy of note. PĂ©ra was the diverse and highly Europeanized section of the city where foreign embassies and businesses were based, as well as the hotels that accommodated the Western visitors such as Kompa who naturally gravitated towards the area; it served as the empire’s foremost contact zone and space of transculturation (employing Mary Louise Pratt’s terms to indicate a site of encounter and exchange between people from different cultures).25 In time, the district became photography’s permanent home, with studios established along, or in close proximity to, its chief boulevard, the Grande Rue de PĂ©ra, run first by Europeans and subsequently by Ottoman subjects once they started taking to the medium in the 1850s. We see, for example, the emergence in the field of the famed Abdullah FrĂšres, brothers Vichen, Hovsep and Kevork who worked initially for a German chemist named Rabach before, in the space of a few short years, going from apprentices to masters, taking over the studio in 1858.26 Hailing from an Ottoman Armenian family that had been in Constantinople since their migration from the Ottoman city of Kayseri in the early seventeenth century, the Abdullahs were part of a preponderance of Ottoman Christians, particularly Armenians, populating photography at this time; other notable practitioners include Pascal SĂ©bah, born in Constantinople to a Syrian Catholic father and an Armenian mother;27 Vassilaki Kargopoulo, an Ottoman Greek;28 and Boghos Tarkulyan, the Ottoman Armenian known professionally as PhĂ©bus.29 The question of why Christians should have been an over-represented in this way has not been answered to any satisfying degree. Religion is frequently cited as the reason, and certainly there are accounts of orthodox Islamic pronouncements against photography’s depiction of human likenesses. However, these appear to be little more than individual episodes; there is nothing to suggest a broader cultural rejection of the medium.30
The new Ottoman practitioners were responsible for a wide output, serving patrons both domestic and foreign. They were photographers to the Ottoman court while being involved also in the production of photographs today branded Orientalist. Their photographs litter the albums residing in the Getty collections and, indeed, studios themselves were tourist attractions, as Ali Behdad observes, with Murray’s handbook advising its readers that they would find in an Abdullah Frùres photograph ‘one of the most valuable curiosities that can be carried away from the capital of Turkey.’31 Tourists would purchase views and sit for portraits, evidence for the lure of the latter being provided by Albert Edward, the Prince of Wales (later Edward VII), who, despite being accompanied on his 1862 tour of the region by his own photographer in the person of Francis Bedford, sat for portraits at the Abdullah Frùres studio.32 The resultant p...

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