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Part ILanguage and power in the Gulf
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Language policy and planning (LPP) in the Gulf states of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is frequently changing and constantly under the microscope. LPP is concerned with how languages are used, when, for what purpose and by whom (Grin, 2003), as well as the values and rights associated with those languages (Stemper & King, 2017). LPP research involves understanding the development of both top-down and bottom-up language policies in public domains such as cafés (Cook, 2021), on public signage (Hopkyns & van den Hoven, 2021), in official spaces such as courts, or in educational contexts relating to the Medium of Instruction (MOI). Rajagopalan (2013) reminds us that, rather than language policy being a set of official and finite rules governing language use, policies often stem from discussions about languages intended to create actions of public interest as well as from daily language use.
The metaphor of linguistic ecologies is often used in LPP research (Stemper & King, 2017) to refer to language practice, language use, or language on the ground (Spolsky, 2004). It is recognized that language is connected to multiple overlapping and intersecting âreal world contextual variablesâ (Finardi et al., 2021, p. 56) which include social, political, and ideological factors. In this sense, language policy is influenced by an often dynamic and complex mix of discourse, circumstances, forces, currents, and beliefs which flow or jar in accordance with the geopolitical spheres in which they are embedded.
In addition to geopolitical factors influencing language policy, global phenomena such as globalization and internationalization also play a critical role. Globalization refers to the increase in the movement of people, information and products, as well as an increased number of contact zones between people with diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds (Albrow & King, 1990). Internationalization involves an increased mobility of students and faculty in higher education and the adoption of English-medium instruction (EMI) in what Collini (2012) names âglobal multiversitiesâ. As Finardi et al. (2021) point out, âthe conceptual link between globalization and internationalization is so close that it is hard to know whether internationalization is an agent of globalization or a resultâ (p. 54). However, the two concepts differ in relation to language policy. While the former is relatively uncontrolled, the latter is proactive, planned and moulded by âconscious actionâ (WĂ€chter, 2000, p. 9). A combined result of globalization and internationalization is the increase of English globally across multiple domains.
LPP, especially related to EMI, has been investigated in various contexts globally, as evident in a number of recent books solely focusing on this topic (Block & Khan, 2021; Macaro, 2018; Paulsrud et al., 2021). In addition, 2019 saw the launch of the Journal of English-Medium Instruction (JEMI) and the Routledge series on Studies in English-Medium Instruction. Despite this global surge of interest in LPP, Gulf contexts are notably underrepresented in the literature, and Gulf-based scholars are conspicuously absent from the editorial boards of key LPP journals such as JEMI, Language Policy, and Current Issues in Language Planning. As issues surrounding LPP vary according to cultural, sociolinguistic, and geopolitical factors, the Gulf context warrants further investigation, especially given the prominent role English plays in this multilingual region.
Previous Gulf LPP research has investigated initiatives such as Emiratization, Saudization and Omanization, which, among other objectives, aim to develop local citizensâ English proficiency in order to replace foreign workers with Gulf nationals (Al Issa, 2020; Al-Shaiba, 2014; Sandiford, 2013). Gulf LPP research has also explored linguistic inclusivity on public signage (Ahmed, 2021; Buckingham, 2015; Hopkyns, 2020b; Hopkyns & van den Hoven, 2021) and family language policy (OâNeill, 2017; Said, 2011a; Taha-Thomure, 2019). Gulf EMI research has mainly focused on stakeholder perspectives (Belhiah & Elhami, 2015; Hopkyns, 2020a) and challenges (Abou-El-Kheir & MacLeod, 2017; Al-Bakri, 2013; Mouhanna, 2016; Rogier, 2012).
What is notably missing from Gulf LPP research is a deeper exploration of language ideologies and the role of the symbolic power that lies beneath language policies and the resultant effects on identities. Scholars such as Hillman et al. (2021) have recognized this gap in the literature and called for investigations into how bottom-up and top-down language policies in the Gulf interact with larger language ideologies and global discourses. This chapter, in turn, aims to help bridge this gap by exploring how language ideologies interact with LPP, drawing on Irvine and Galâs (2000) theories of the semiotic formation of language ideologies together with Bourdieuâs (1991) theory of language and symbolic power. By critically examining the interrelatedness of language ideologies, symbolic power, and policies concerning the regionâs two dominant languages of Arabic and English, the resultant complexities in Gulf linguistic identities are examined. This chapter also fills a gap in the literature by suggesting concrete ways in which to bridge ideological divisions through glocalization and translingual practice, with the goal of strengthening authentic identities in the Gulf.
Linguistic ecology of the Gulf: The growing presence of English
When forming the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in 1981, the six countries of Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates had the mutual objective of formulating âsimilar policies in the fields of religion, finance, trade, customs, tourism, legislation, and administrationâ (Macaro, 2018, p. 64). Although neither âlanguageâ nor âeducationâ is mentioned explicitly in the above shared policy goals, the GCC countries share family resemblances in terms of language-in-education policies and the dominance of Arabic and English in their linguistic landscapes.
While Arabic is the official language of the GCC countries, English is the de facto lingua franca (Alharbi, 2017). Due to the regionâs diverse demographics, many other languages are also present in various speech communities. Multilingualism in the region is closely tied to globalization, and global businesses using English are omnipresent. Even with Gulf-based companies such as Saudi Aramco and Saudi Airlines, English is the language used to train employees (Mahboob & Elyas, 2014) and English is also widely used online, especially on social media (Dashti, 2015). Multilingualism has especially mushroomed in the Gulf as a result of the region-specific âculture of fast-paced changeâ (Hopkyns, 2020a). Due to the relatively recent discovery of oil and other natural resources, Gulf societies have undergone rapid transformations on multiple levels. With urbanization rates of over 90%, the resource-rich countries of the Gulf comprise the most urbanized region in the world (Ewers & Dicce, 2016). In the space of decades, a frenzy of development has occurred in the economies of finance, real estate, retail and hospitality alongside dramatic changes to infrastructure and education. Such fast-paced development has necessitated the import of a large expatriate population working in these new sectors. The UAE and Qatar have the highest numbers of expatriates at just under 90% in both nations, and Oman and Saudi Arabia have the lowest percentages at approximately 45% and 33% respectively (GLMM, 2016). Although the Gulfâs multilingual population collectively speak over 100 different languages, Arabic and English are given textual priority in public spaces (Blum, 2014; Buckingham, 2015; Hopkyns & van den Hoven, 2021). Bilingual signage is often skewed slightly in favour of English (Ahmed, 2021; Hopkyns, 2021) despite Arabization efforts in place to âclean up the linguistic landscapeâ such as Qatarâs Ministry of Municipality and Urban Planning issuing fines for signage without the presence of Arabic (Said, 2011b). In major Gulf cities, English is also more often heard verbally than Arabic or peripheral languages (Randall & Samimi, 2010), which is in part due to the unusually large expatriate communities using English as a lingua franca and Englishâs status as a global language.
The omnipresence of English in public domains is paired with full or partial EMI being a characteristic of the GCC countriesâ schooling, especially in tertiary institutions (Al-Issa, 2020; Hillman et al., 2019; Hopkyns, 2020a). Mahboob and Elyas (2017) point out that, especially post-9/11, the Gulf countries have been affected by internationalization. Transnational political and economic pressure (Elyas & Picard, 2013) for Gulf countries to use EMI and imported Western curri...
