Forms of Organising in Industrial History
eBook - ePub

Forms of Organising in Industrial History

John F. Wilson, Steven Toms, Ian G. Jones, John F. Wilson, Steven Toms, Ian G. Jones

Share book
  1. 92 pages
  2. English
  3. ePUB (mobile friendly)
  4. Available on iOS & Android
eBook - ePub

Forms of Organising in Industrial History

John F. Wilson, Steven Toms, Ian G. Jones, John F. Wilson, Steven Toms, Ian G. Jones

Book details
Book preview
Table of contents
Citations

About This Book

This shortform book presents key peer-reviewed research selected by expert series editors and contextualised by new analysis from each author on different forms of organising British industry.

With contributions on the strengths and weaknesses of the holding company structure, government organisation of industry during war time, the effects of forms of organisation on innovation, and debates over the suitability of international comparisons, this volume provides an array of fascinating insights into industrial history.

Of interest to business and economic historians, this shortform book also provides analysis and illustrative case-studies that will be valuable reading across the social sciences.

Frequently asked questions

How do I cancel my subscription?
Simply head over to the account section in settings and click on “Cancel Subscription” - it’s as simple as that. After you cancel, your membership will stay active for the remainder of the time you’ve paid for. Learn more here.
Can/how do I download books?
At the moment all of our mobile-responsive ePub books are available to download via the app. Most of our PDFs are also available to download and we're working on making the final remaining ones downloadable now. Learn more here.
What is the difference between the pricing plans?
Both plans give you full access to the library and all of Perlego’s features. The only differences are the price and subscription period: With the annual plan you’ll save around 30% compared to 12 months on the monthly plan.
What is Perlego?
We are an online textbook subscription service, where you can get access to an entire online library for less than the price of a single book per month. With over 1 million books across 1000+ topics, we’ve got you covered! Learn more here.
Do you support text-to-speech?
Look out for the read-aloud symbol on your next book to see if you can listen to it. The read-aloud tool reads text aloud for you, highlighting the text as it is being read. You can pause it, speed it up and slow it down. Learn more here.
Is Forms of Organising in Industrial History an online PDF/ePUB?
Yes, you can access Forms of Organising in Industrial History by John F. Wilson, Steven Toms, Ian G. Jones, John F. Wilson, Steven Toms, Ian G. Jones in PDF and/or ePUB format, as well as other popular books in Negocios y empresa & Historia empresarial. We have over one million books available in our catalogue for you to explore.

Information

Publisher
Routledge
Year
2022
ISBN
9781000636277

1 Debates and SpeculationsThe Competitive and Institutional Advantages of Holding Companies: British Businesses in the Inter-War Period

Robert Fitzgerald
DOI: 10.4324/9781003313397-2

1. British Business and Holding Companies

Are we any nearer, after decades of research and debate, to a settled judgement on the failings of British business organisation and management? Recent work – reassessing the European experience – appears more cautious than certain, raising questions about the conclusiveness of available evidence. Amongst the many areas of contention, family firms and their presumed weaknesses have received particular attention, and revisionism might usefully be applied to several corporate types. Other issues have also caused controversy: the comparative performance of British industry, the suitability of U.S. corporate structures to other nations, and the almost-exclusive emphasis on systems internal to the firm have all been cited. Interestingly, holding companies encapsulated these disputed points: they developed in Britain during a period of relative economic decline; they differed in important respects to the hierarchical managerial enterprise; and they facilitated external linkages between companies, arguably at the cost of inward dimensions. They have, therefore, been prominent targets of a sustained and powerful critique, in which the deficiencies of large-scale companies are portrayed as compounding the economic difficulties of inter-war Britain. From this perspective, many concerns located in the staple industries could not fully adapt to changes in international and domestic demand, because loosely co-ordinated structures and a weak strategic, headquarters function hindered schemes of rationalisation. British holding companies of the 1920s and 1930s have been reproached as the worst examples of such weaknesses, because inadequate central direction and integration enabled uncompetitive constituent firms and detrimental family-control to continue. As a group, they are seen as handicapped in comparison to international competitors and to the rising model of integrated, managerial enterprise; in other words, their assumed lack of professional personnel, organisational hierarchy, and formal procedures were inappropriate to the challenges of modern industry.1 Other judgements have been less condemnatory, because some of their early structural and administrative failings were quickly corrected. Further re-assessment of the empirical evidence might review the reputation of the British holding company. On matters of interpretation, the ‘rationality’ of any managerial structure has been linked to varying economic, financial, or legal circumstances. The universal applicability of a single model is consequently in doubt.2 We might ask if holding companies offered commercial and operational advantages, despite their being associated – often justifiably – with institutional sclerosis and vested interests.
Is it possible, then, to list alongside known deficiencies the appropriateness of British business organisation in general and the holding company in particular? Because holding companies are frequently viewed as an imperfect form of big business, or as an inchoate form of managerial enterprise, the benefits are rarely stated. One difficulty is the lack of detailed, especially archival evidence at the level of individual firms, despite some wellknown exceptions.3 A satisfactory response would admittedly require a book as herculean in its endeavour as Chandler’s Scale and Scope. In the meantime, a re-examination of corporate structures in major industries – in which holding companies were prominent – may provide preliminary insight into future research questions. Clearly, the law in Britain was more permissive of alliances and groups than the U.S., but competitive and institutional advantages may also have encouraged or maintained the holding company form in particular sectors. The most fitting structure for any concern depends on multiple factors, and the requirements of product markets, production processes, and the fluctuating economic fortunes of the inter-war years might all be reconciled with the holding company. Financial systems, moreover, should be noted. International comparisons are needed to clarify the appropriateness of managerial forms to their circumstances, as well as the relative contribution of corporate governance to the success or failure of companies and whole industries. But, before looking at the commercial or operational aptness of large-scale organisation in the British shipbuilding and textile industries, the characteristics of the holding company and current debates on managerial enterprise should be re-stated.

2. Holding Company Structures

In attempting to understand the organisational forms adopted by British business, the term ‘holding company’ may act as a barrier to understanding, because its use conceals a broad spectrum of arrangements in governance and operations. Holding companies have been linked in British business history to the maintenance of family control and the existence of business groups or alliances, although neither association is automatic. In essence, they describe a main company with a controlling interest in or authority over legally separate and mainline subsidiaries, which are given responsibility for production or operations. In some cases, this arrangement might have formalised existing private or family-based holdings; in other cases, it might be the result of newly-merged interests or acquisitions; or, alternatively, an attempt to liberate the management of distinct units which were once more integrated or supervised. Where the ownership of constituent firms is reposed within a parent company, a number of variations in organisational characteristics may result. At one extreme, those directly associated with member businesses may retain voting control, and prefer to maintain separate operations and administrative functions. This internal settlement may be very similar to a business group or alliance, or even to a price-fixing arrangement, despite the formal pooling of interests within a main company. Such arrangements were typical of British mergers in textiles, tobacco, and building materials at the turn of the century.4 Yet the link between firms is permanent rather than merely opportunistic, as in the case of business alliances, and creates the possibility of further organisational developments. As a result, many of the early large-scale companies in the textile industry were subsequently restructured. The headquarters function of holdings companies is, indeed, too frequently viewed as permanently weak, just as the span of operations is seen as highly diversified or even unrelated.5
At another extreme, therefore, strategy and some core functions such as accounting, marketing, or research may be centralised at the parent firm of holding companies. Such measures were important to the development of several British firms, facilitating the financial and commercial aspects of business, while leaving production in the hands of subsidiaries. In some cases, even personnel policy was harmonised. The multidivisional structure or the M-form, it has been argued, can allocate resources to product divisions in response to performance and market trends, and enable economies of scale in support services. Despite having legally-separate, mainline subsidiaries within specific national boundaries,6 rather than more integrated divisions, one type of holding company may not differ greatly from the M-form. Japanese cases seem to suggest this convergence in definition and practice,7 whereas British examples were, it has been assumed, intrinsically deficient or undeveloped in their structures. In theory, neither the headquarters of the ‘classic’ multidivisional enterprise nor the parent firm in holding companies would assume direct control of operations. The fact that ICI, Britain’s best-known inter-war example of an M-form business, seems to have breached this general rule demonstrates the difficulties of terminology and the varied nature of historical experience.8 Multiple directorships and particular personalities may have initially increased the influence of parent firms within holding companies, but in many cases systems did emerge. The textile firm of J. & P. Coats is known for its organisational awareness, and, by the 1920s, its structure was noticeably ‘hybrid’: it had the defined product and geographical divisions of the M-form, yet they oversaw the type of subsidiaries associated with holding companies.9
As in the case of other governance systems, variations in the form and practice of holding companies undoubtedly complicate definition and assessment. Nonetheless, legally-separate, mainline subsidiaries cannot be accommodated within the U-form and are not traditionally associated with the M-form. Identifiable satellite businesses vested in or controlled by a single privately-owned or incorporated organisation, moreover, excludes short-term alliances, joint ventures, market-fixing trusts and cartels. Collaborative links formed through banks or merely personal ties are clearly not holding companies; nor are groups based on mutual shareholdings between equals, as their grouping differs from an arrangement of parent and subsidiary. Granovetter regards holding companies as only a ‘marginal case’ to the more general issue of business groups,10 but this seems an expeditious judgement on their attributes and historical significance. Although holding companies may act as alliances or groups, ownership linkages make holding companies more easily identifiable and their commercial and strategic aims potentially more coherent. Firms join alliances or groups to further their own objectives, and inter-firm co-operation is in consequence conditional. The solidity of the Japanese business groups, or kigyo shudan, stems from past ownership links, and, in the immediate post-war years, mutual shareholding and the main bank system were used to secure managerial control within each member enterprise, intentionally excluding external influences. Institutional connectivity in Japan remains an important national characteristic, but it would be a mistake to perceive the group as more important than the constituent companies. Depending on variations in authority structures and managerial resources, holding companies may have specific economic or strategic aims, and even organisational or corporate purposes that are not present in business groups or cartels. It is worth asking if they can demonstrate ‘positive’ as well as collusive tendencies.
Some commentators prefer to distinguish between ‘conglomerates’, in which the links between firms are purely financial, and ‘groups’, where the ties are also personal and operational.11 Certainly, contrasts in the financial and operational objectives of holding companies have been significant, and, whatever the terminology, the distinction is a useful one in the British context. Speculative booms and merger mania can be found as early as the 1920s, and undoubtedly influenced opinion on stock market promoters and the growing scale of industrial organisation.12 Debates on ‘stakeholding’ and on the economic benefits of mergers and acquisitions have formed a recent critique of post-war capitalism in the U.S. and Britain, and holding companies have been viewed as some of the worst examples of short-termism. There are, in addition, associations with off-shore tax avoidance. In their policies towards subsidiaries, several diversified conglomerates from the 1970s infamously relied upon financially-orientated targets and asset-stripping.13 The holding company form was suited to the acquisition and easy sale of companies, although it was post-war changes in the stock market and industrial ownership which accentuated these trends. Yet short-termism is not inherent to one form of industrial organisation, and national failings in business finance, human capital, and technology have complicated and multidimensional explanations.14 The symptoms of short-termism can be found in a range of large-scale British companies.
Any interpretation of organisational aptness is by necessity case-specific and contingent, and, as the history of Japanese big business demonstrates, change can be anticipated. The original diversified operations held privately by the old zaibatsu families often became divisions of an incorporated company or even separate businesses,15 and, in several instances, these were subsequently transformed into holding companies with a main concern and dependent subsidiaries. In the post-war years, when holding companies were illegal, they re-emerged as groups more loosely connected by history, banks, chief executives’ meetings, or mutual share transfers. Holdings companies have, too, a noticeable place in the history of British capitalism, emerging at the turn of the century, and becoming more prominent during the inter-war period. Two prominent cases were the British shipbuilding and armaments industry and the textile sector. Their holding companies have been depicted as monopolistic in intent, inhibiting industrial rationalisation and the evolution of managerial efficiencies. The detail of their governance structures in fact demonstrates no evident pattern, but case-studies do show instances of reorganisation that were responses to commercial and administrative requirements. Ships and armaments were capital goods dependent upon infrequent orders and batch production methods, and textiles, with more limited manufacturing returns to scale, could gain from the co-ordination of purchasing and marketing. In the years following the First World War, therefore, rapid expansion, diversification, and vertical coordination between separately-managed enterprises became objectives. Within these industries, product, production and market requirements encouraged or maintained the holding company organisation rather than the ‘classic’, integrated structure in furtherance of these corporate aims.

3. Organisation, Integrated Enterprise and the Business Environment

The criticisms of British big business and its holding companies in the inter-war period have emerged from our growing understanding of managerial enterprise. The successful ...

Table of contents