A Wealth of Thought

Franz Boas on Native American Art

Franz Boas, Aldona Jonaitis, Aldona Jonaitis

• Publisher: University of Washington Press
• Year: 2015
• ISBN:
  9780295998602
• Topic: Art
• Subtopic: Art General

Although Franz Boas--one of the most influential anthropologists of the twentieth century--is best known for his voluminous writings on cultural, physical, and linguistic anthropology, he is also recognized for breaking new ground in the study of so-called primitive art. His writings on art have major historical value because they embody a profound change in art history. Nineteenth-century scholars assumed that all art lay on a continuum from primitive to advanced: artworks of all nonliterate peoples were therefore examples of early stages of development. But Boas's case studies from his own fieldwork in the Pacific Northwest demonstrated different tenets: the variety of history, the influence of diffusion, the symbolic and stylistic variation in art styles found among groups and sometimes within one group, and the role of imagination and creativity on the part of the artist. This volume presents Boas's most significant writings on art (dated 1889-1916), many originally published in obscure sources now difficult to locate. The original illustrations and an extensive, combined bibliography are included. Aldona Jonaitis's careful compilation of articles and the thorough historical and theoretical framework in which she casts them in her introductory and concluding essays make this volume a valuable reference for students of art history and Northwest anthropology, and a special delight for admirers of Boas.

1. Tattooing of the Haida

This brief note on Boas’s presentation to the New York Academy of Sciences on Haida tattooing includes an early statement by Boas on his belief that the Kwakiutl originated some motifs which the Haida developed to the highest stage.

Stated Meeting.

The President, Dr. Newberry, in the chair.

Thirty-five persons present.

Dr. Franz Boas exhibited a number of photographs of tattooed Indians from the Queen Charlotte Islands, B.C. This people, the Haida, are the only ones in the habit of tattooing their whole bodies—wrists, arms, breast, back, legs, and feet—the designs being conventional representations of animals, the “crest” of the person on whom they are tattooed. The tattooing is done by puncture and by rubbing soot into the wounds. The patterns are exactly analogous to the paintings and carvings of those people. Tattooing is not unknown to the neighboring tribes, but chiefly confined to marks on the wrists and eventually on the ankles. Such designs are found, for instance, among the Tsimshian. Tattooing on the arm and breast is also found among the Nutkas [Nuu-chah-nulth] of the west coast of Vancouver Island, but in this case it is connected with religious practices, not with the social organization—the totems of the people—as it is among the Haidas. A photograph of a Nutka was exhibited, showing a human figure on the breast. The same individual had long, parallel cuts running from the collarbone down to the belly, and from the shoulders all along the arms. These wounds are inflicted at the initiation of the young man into a secret society and are called “Tlo-koala,” a word borrowed from the Kwakiutl language.

Besides these photographs of tattooed men, others illustrating a few types of Indians were shown, and attention was called to the broadness of their faces, the light color of their skins, and the shortness of their heads. Deformed heads are found only as far north as Milbank Sound and Gardner Channel. A few photographs of excessively deformed heads from the north point of Vancouver Island showed the effects of bandaging, which results in a great elongation of the occipital part of the head.

Replying to a question of the chairman, Dr. Boas stated that the style of art of the northern Tlingit, the Haida, Kwakiutl, Nutka, and Salish can be easily distinguished. He believes that certain designs originated among the Kwakiutl, but reached their highest stage of development among the Haidas. The Salish have some peculiarities not shared by any of the other tribes.

The President referred to his own observations on the carvings among some twenty tribes of that region, and to the artistic skill displayed by those along the coast, whose work bears a decided resemblance to that of the races of Central America—possibly indicating a genetic relationship—and contrasts strongly with the inferior skill in carving shown by the inland tribes of our Northwestern territory.

Reprinted from Transactions, New York Academy of Sciences, pp. 115–16, 1889.

2. The Use of Masks and Head Ornaments on the Northwest Coast of America

Boas first briefly discusses the difficulty of obtaining information on the meaning of Northwest Coast art. Then he categorizes three types of masks: the helmets found in the north (among the Tlingit), masks attached to housefronts and totem poles, and dancing masks. Two classes of dancing masks of the Bella Coola and the Kwakiutl are those worn at potlatches and those worn during the winter ceremonials. The remainder of the essay is a description of the winter ceremonies of the Kwakiutl with references to some of the paraphernalia worn by participants.

This essay represents a preview of Boas’s 1897 “Social Organization and the Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians” and his 1898 “Mythology of the Bella Coola Indians.” In those later publications, he used somewhat different linguistic notations from those he uses here.

Our museums contain large collections of masks from the Northwest Coast of America, but it is only occasionally that the descriptions and catalogues give information as to their use and meaning. On my first visit to British Columbia, in 1886, I paid special attention to this subject. A considerable collection of drawings and photographs of masks, which I carried with me, did not help me materially in my investigations. I frequently showed the drawings to Indians whom I expected to be conversant with everything referring to this subject, but it was only in rare cases that they recognized the masks and were able to give any information as to their use and meaning. Very soon I arrived at the conclusion that, except in a few instances, the masks were no conventional types representing certain ideas known to the whole people, but were either inventions of the individuals who used them, or that the knowledge of their meaning was confined to a limited number of persons. The former hypothesis did not seem probable, as the same types of masks are found in numerous specimens and in collections made at different times and by different persons. Among the types which are comparatively frequently found, I mention the Tsonō’k˙oa¹ of the Kwakiutl, … the crane, eagle, and raven.

Further inquiries showed that the probability of ascertaining the meaning of a mask increased when the particular village was visited in which the specimen was collected. It was thus that I ascertained the meaning of the double mask figured in Woldt’s “Cpt. Jacobsen’s Reise an der Nordwestküste Amerikas” [Jacobsen 1884:129]. The outer face represents a deer; the inner, a human face. It refers to the tradition of the origin of the deer, which originally was a man, but was transformed, on account of his intention to kill the son of the deity, into its present shape. At last I found that the use of masks is closely connected with two institutions of these tribes—with their clans or gentes, and with their secret societies. The latter class of masks is confined to the Kwakiutl, Nutka, and Tsimshian, and I believe that they originated with the first-named people. The meaning of each mask is not known outside the gens or society to which it belongs. [Boas uses “gens” or “clan” here for what he later calls “numaym” (see Suttles 1991).]

This fact makes the study one of great difficulty. It is only by chance that a specimen belonging to one of our collections can be identified, as only in rare exceptions the place where it was purchased is clearly stated. The majority of specimens are purchased in Victoria, where they are collected by traders, who, of course, keep no record of their origin.

Besides this, the Indians are in the habit of trading masks, and copying certain models which strike their fancy from neighboring tribes. The meaning of these specimens is, of course, not known to the people who use it, and it is necessary to study first the source from which such carvings were derived. Thus the beautiful raven rattles of the Tsimshian are frequently imitated by the Kwakiutl, and the beautifully woven Chilcat blankets are used as far south as Comox. The carved headdresses of the Tsimshian, the Amhalai’t (used in dances), with their attachment of ermine skins, are even used by the natives of Victoria.

My inquiries cover the whole coast of British Columbia. In the extreme northern part of this region a peculiar kind of mask, which has been so well described by Krause [1885], is used as a helmet. I do not think that this custom extends very far south. Setting this aside, we may distinguish two kinds of masks: dancing masks and masks attached to housefronts and heraldic columns.

The latter are especially used by tribes of Kwakiutl lineage and by the Bilqula [Bella Coola]. All masks of this kind are clan masks, having reference to the crest of the house owner or post owner. They are generally made of cedarwood and from three to five feet high. One of the most beautiful specimens I have seen is a mask of the sun, forming the top of an heraldic column in Alert Bay, Vancouver Island. It belongs to the chief of the gens Sī’sentlē of the Nimkish tribe. The latter is the second in rank among the tribes of the Kwakiutl group, which form one of the subdivisions of the linguistic stock of the same name. The clan claims to be descended from the sun, who assumed the shape of a bird, and came down from heaven. He was transformed into a man, and settled in the territory of the Nimkish tribe. The name of this mask is Tlēselak^• umtl (sun mask, from tlē’sela, sun; ik^• umtl, mask). It has a bird’s face, and is surrounded by rays. Certain clans of the Bilqula have the mythical Masmasalā’niq, covered by an immense hat, on the tops of their house-fronts; but the use of masks for this purpose is, on the whole, not very extensive.

In order to understand their meaning and use, it is necessary to investigate very thoroughly the social organization of each tribe, and to study these masks in connection with the carvings represented on the posts and beams of the houses and with the paintings found on the housefronts. Thus the Kwakiutl proper are the highest in rank among the group to which the Nimkish belong. They are divided into four groups, which rank as follows: first, the Kue’tela; next the K˙’o’moyue or Kue’qa (the latter being their war name); then the Lo’kuilila; and finally the Walaskwakiutl. Each of these is divided into a number of clans, some of which, however, belong to two or three of these divisions. I shall mention here the divisions of the Kue’tela only, again arranged according to rank, and shall add their principal carvings.

1. The noblest clan is that of Matakila. Their chief wears a mask representing the gull, and they use also masks of animals representing the food of the gull. Their beams are not carved.

2. Kwokwa’k˙um. The posts supporting the beams of the house represent the grizzly bear, on top of which a crane is sitting. Their mask represents the crane.

3. Gye’qsem. Their post represents a crane standing on a man’s head.

4. La’alaqs’end’aio, who are the servants of the Kwokwa’k˙um. Their post is a killer (Delphinus orca) with a man’s body.

5. Si’sintlē (the same clan as that of the Nimkish). Their carving is the sun. Besides this, they use a dog’s mask, representing the dog which accompanied the sun when he was transformed into a man, the Tsonō’k˙oa, and several other carvings.

Each clan has a number of secondary carvings which have reference to the traditions relating the adventures of its ancestor.

As will be seen from this list, the emblems are also used as dancing masks. The use of masks for this purpose is spread all over the coast, being found among the Tlingit as well as among the tribes near Victoria; but among the latter very few types of masks are used, and it is the privilege of certain tribes and clans to wear them.… a number of these masks are illustrated. Before discussing their meaning, I have to say a few words as to the use of dancing masks.

We may distinguish two classes of dancing masks—those peculiar to the several clans and those belonging to secret societies.

The former are of two different kinds—masks used at the potlatch (the festival at which property is given away), and masks used for the mimical performances in winter, when dances representing the traditions of the clans are acted. Masks must not be used in summer and during daylight, except the potlatch masks. The latter are worn by chiefs in the dance opening t...