1
Residence and Foreign Relations in the Peninsular Northeast During the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries
KENNETH R. ROBINSON
The Chos
n government engaged in foreign relations with individuals living in Hamgy
ng Province into the late sixteenth century.
1 Jurchens (K. Y
jin, Yain) from several tribes, including the Odoli, Uryangkhad, and Hurhan Wudiha, concentrated in the peninsular northeast, particularly in Hoery
ng and further to the north and east. Aware of the Ming China governmentâs approach to managing interaction with Jurchens based north of Chos
n, many of whom belonged to tribes whose members also lived in the peninsular northeast, the Korean government similarly treated state-sponsored interaction as domestic administration.
The peninsular northeast was a multicultural frontier, a zone of interaction where Koreans and Jurchens commingled, collided, and cooperated.
2 The territorial and jurisdictional spaces named âChos
nâ and âHamgy
ng Province,â though, may not be the most appropriate locations for placing the interactions between the Chos
n court and Jurchens who resided there.
3 In âHamgy
ng Province,â many Jurchens lived in communities that were not fully incorporated into the Korean state, and they were not subjects of the King of Chos
n as Koreans were subjects of the King of Chos
n.
The concepts of territorial sovereignty and jurisdictional sovereignty borrowed here from Peter Sahlinsâ study of the making of a state boundary between France and Spain in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries help to draw more sharply the disjuncture in the King of Chos
nâs rule in Hamgy
ng Province.
4 As Korean kings and their officials did not treat all Jurchens residing in the northeastern province the same as the Koreans living
there, it seems clear that the court understood that the monarchâs authority did not fully extend into all Jurchen communities.
Interaction illuminates complexities of administration in the peninsular northeast and Chos
n. Seeking to encourage and maintain quiet in the northeast, from the mid-1420s the Chos
n court appointed Jurchen elites to military posts and permitted them, but not Korean military officials holding the same posts, to trade in the capital. The Chos
n court treated these Jurchens as both subjects and guests. Such Korean government policies suggest that Chos
n was not a singular administrative space in the peninsula northeast from 1392 into the late sixteenth century.
5 Jurchens moved into the peninsula during the Kory
period, and more resettled there in the late fourteenth century and the early fifteenth century. Their villages concentrated in the northeast corner, with different tribes generally residing in separate areas. Many of these Jurchens did not sever ties with communities north of the Yalu (K. Amnok) and Tumen (K. Tuman) rivers.
Jurchens who resided in the peninsula in the late fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries may be broadly divided into two groups, immigrant
(hyanghwa; tâuhwa; kwihwa) Jurchens and Jurchens who had not immigrated. The contours of the first group can not always be sharply defined, but, in general, these were people who had sought the Chos
n courtâs permission to immigrate into Korean society. Some Jurchen immigrants lived in the capital area, others in the northeast and elsewhere. The focus here will be on Jurchen elites who had not immigrated into Korean society and resided in the northeast area of the peninsula.
Korean officials distinguished the area north of the Tumen and Yalu rivers from the area south of the two rivers. North of the rivers was the â
kangoe,â or âthe land beyond the river(s).â Jurchens lived there, and the Chos
n court considered âthereâ to be China. For example, Korean officials referred to the
kangoe area as â
sangguk,â or âthe superior country,â âthe country to the north,â and âMing China.â
6 From Chos
n, immigrant Jurchens with government permission could cross the Tumen River and visit their family
(ponâga) or their home village (
pontâo). Crossing the river and going ashore constituted crossing a territorial boundary and a jurisdictional boundary, and the wish to do so
triggered regulations that the Korean government expected to be followed. This imposition of state oversight offers an example of spatial socialization through the expression of state administration. Other immigrants, though, abandoned their residences and moved north across t...