Beyond the White House

Waging Peace, Fighting Disease, Building Hope

Jimmy Carter

• Publisher: Simon & Schuster
• Year: 2007
• ISBN:
  9781416562535
• Topic: Politik & Internationale Beziehungen
• Subtopic: Politische Biographien

The president's personal and passionate account of his twenty-five years in the service of humanitarian effort that won him the Nobel Peace Prize was received with the admiring respect of reviewers and readers and it will stand as the record of his brilliant post-presidential career. This is the story of President Jimmy Carter's post-presidency, the most admired and productive in the nation's history. Through The Carter Center, which he and Rosalynn Carter founded in 1982, he has fought neglected diseases, waged peace in war zones, and built hope among some of the most forgotten and needy people in the world.Serving in more than seventy nations, Carter has led peacekeeping efforts for Ethiopia, North Korea, Haiti, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Uganda, and Sudan. With his colleagues from The Carter Center, he has monitored more than sixty-five elections in troubled nations, from Palestine to Indonesia.Carter's bold initiatives, undertaken with dedicated colleagues, have eliminated, prevented, or cured an array of diseases that have been characterized as "neglected" by the World Health Organization and that afflict tens of millions of people unnecessarily. The Carter Center has taught millions of African families how to increase the production of food grains, and Rosalynn Carter has led a vigorous war against the stigma of mental illness around the world."Immersing ourselves among these deprived and suffering people has been a great blessing as it stretched our minds and hearts, " Jimmy Carter writes. "The principles of The Carter Center have been the same ones that should characterize our nation, or any individual. They are the beliefs inherent in all the great world religions, including commitments to peace, justice, freedom, humility, forgiveness or an attempt to find accommodation with potential foes, generosity, human rights or fair treatment of others, protection of the environment, and the alleviation of suffering. This is our agenda for the future."

CHAPTER ONE

The Early Days

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It was just a week after the 1980 presidential election when the “blind” trustee of our estate, the attorney Charles Kirbo, called from Atlanta and asked to see me. He had become my lawyer when I successfully contested an election stolen from me in 1962, was a close adviser when I later ran for governor of Georgia, and served as chairman of the Democratic Party of Georgia. That day in November, Kirbo shared a cool drink with Rosalynn and me on the Truman Balcony of the White House and, after we’d exchanged some family information and a few jokes with a South Georgia flavor, he informed us that he had some good news and some bad news about our family’s farm and warehouse business.

The good news was that our land was still there and the pine trees were growing. The bad news was that, after three years of drought and some mismanagement, Carter’s Warehouse was a million dollars in debt. Because we had pledged to remove ourselves completely from any involvement in or knowledge of our personal investments or business affairs, this was the first financial accounting that Rosalynn and I had received since we moved to Washington. We were surprised and appalled. We had left a thriving farm-supply business, free of debt, and we’d assumed that it had continued to be a lucrative investment.

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President Carter receives traditional Ghanaian attire, a gift from the chief of Tingoli village in northern Ghana. (PETER DICAMPO)

We returned home about two months later with two heavy financial burdens, the lesser of which was to pay our accumulated business debts. More burdensome by far was my obligation to select a site and build a presidential library that could house almost 27 million official documents and papers, plus millions of photographs, visual records, and other mementos accumulated during my administration. Always a poor fund-raiser and now a defeated candidate for reelection who had made no plans for this all-too-early eventuality, I dreaded the prospect of raising the necessary funds, which had to come from private contributions. The prolonged holding of our hostages by Iranian militants had not made me the most popular ex-president to survive his White House years.

In a somewhat naïve moment soon after Election Day, I had told the White House press corps that I intended to emulate President Harry Truman and refrain from using my service in office as a means of enriching myself. I had said, “There may be some kinds of benevolent or nonprofit corporations in which I will let my influence and my ability be used, but not in a profit-making way.” At that time, I had no other plans to utilize my presidential experiences.

Rosalynn and I were able to sell what remained of our business, and I signed a contract to write my presidential memoir. We were able to salvage our home in Plains and our two tracts of land, one of which had been acquired by our ancestors in 1833 and the other, the “new farm,” in 1904.

Working closely with me, Georgia Governor George Busbee had appointed a committee that recommended a place for the presidential library. We ultimately selected a beautiful thirty-acre site about halfway between Atlanta’s downtown business area and Emory University. It commanded a good view of the city, having been the headquarters of Union General William Tecumseh Sherman, who had stood on one of the site’s hilltops in 1864 to watch Atlanta burn.

During the next year, I used the five thousand pages of diary notes I had dictated during my administration to complete Keeping Faith, and I spent most of my other time seeking contributions for the library. It became increasingly obvious that we needed a more attractive reason for potential contributors than just “to store our White House records.” This need converged with another question that confronted us: What would we do with the rest of our lives? At the age of fifty-six, I was the youngest presidential survivor since William Howard Taft. I had a statistical life expectancy of twenty-five more years. I pondered this question, apparently even subconsciously.

Although I am generally a sound sleeper, I awoke one night and sat up in bed, surprising Rosalynn. She asked, “What’s the matter, Jimmy? Are you ill or did you have a nightmare?”

I replied, “No, but I’ve just had a thought about what we can do in addition to building the presidential library. We can start an adjacent institution, something like Camp David, where people can come who are involved in a war. I can offer to serve as a mediator, in Atlanta or perhaps in their countries. We might also study and teach how to resolve or prevent conflict.” This was the birth of what was to be The Carter Center.

I received several offers in the academic world, including two inquiries about positions as president of universities. Having had enough of politics and already burdened down with fund-raising obligations, I declined. From within Georgia, however, came three attractive offers to assume the role of distinguished professor. One was from the Georgia Board of Regents, to lecture in the thirty-three colleges and universities in the state system; the others came from Mercer University and from Dr. James Laney, president of Emory University. Laney assured me that I would have a chance during each year to lecture in all the schools of the university and that my comments would never be restricted or censored in any way. I chose Emory and announced this decision in April 1982, along with plans to establish an institute that might be associated with the university.

With Dr. Steven Hochman as my assistant, we established an office for our Center on the top floor of the Emory University library and soon expanded the focus of our work to a broad range of issues, still including conflict resolution, especially in the Middle East, but also human rights, nuclear arms control, global health, and the environment, with a special emphasis on Latin America.

In 1984 we began construction of the Presidential Library and Museum, and The Carter Center, partly with borrowed money, and the facilities were dedicated two years later, on October 1 (my birthday), with a speech by President Ronald Reagan. The library and records were delivered for permanent ownership and operation to the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration. On the other side of two small lakes were the circular buildings that would house The Carter Center.

The Center staff had moved in by the time of the dedication. The library and museum opened on the same day, and the files housed in the Presidential Library were made available to researchers in January 1987. My instructions have always been to expedite the availability of the classified documents, though this process has been subverted by an increasing preoccupation in Washington with tight and unnecessary secrecy. Despite this official impediment, we developed a harmonious relationship between The Carter Center and the National Archives. We have shared responsibility for the exterior grounds and parking areas, as well as an agreement that no substantive changes can be made in the museum exhibits without my approval, and professional archivists have exclusive control over the written and visual records of my political career.

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The Carter Center is headquartered in Atlanta, Georgia. Led by Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter, Center staff have worked in more than seventy nations to wage peace, fight disease, and build hope for some of the world’s most forgotten people. (THE GEORGIA HIGH PROGRAM)

BASIC PRINCIPLES

As we expanded our first concept for The Carter Center, a set of seven principles emerged:

1. We would not duplicate or compete with effective work being done by others, such as United Nations agencies, the U.S. government, other nongovernmental organizations, think tanks, or universities. Instead we would fill vacuums in addressing issues that were important to our country or to other people.

2. Ours would not be a partisan approach. Whenever possible, we would recruit prominent Republicans or foreign leaders to share the responsibilities of leadership.

3. The Carter Center would be an action agency, not just devoted to theoretical or academic analysis of issues. We would convene other institutions to foster cooperation, and our conferences would include knowledgeable experts on the adopted subject, but the presumption was for us to be directly involved in implementing the ideas and recommendations.

4. We would not permit the prospect of potential failure to deter us from making our best effort but would be willing to take chances if the goals were worthy.

5. As a personal restraint, I would not intrude into a politically sensitive area without first obtaining at least tacit permission from the White House.

6. In certain projects, we would utilize a generic name, “Global 2000,” instead of “Carter Center” or my name. This would permit village chiefs or heads of state to feel a genuine sense of partnership and be able to claim credit when successes were realized.

7. I would prepare detailed trip reports on my way home from foreign visits and share them immediately with my family, our staff members, and key supporters of our Center. I would also send slightly edited copies to leaders in the White House, the State Department, and the United Nations. [Reports are also posted on our website, www.cartercenter.org.]

Almost uniquely, The Carter Center would be fulfilling the role of think tank but be primarily an action agency dedicated to achieving specific goals. We visited a number of universities and other institutes as the Center was being established, to assess their programs and to learn from their experiences. There were many warnings about any binding relationships with other organizations that might infringe on our independence or conflict philosophically or politically with our purposes. One notable example of incompatibility had been policy conflicts between the relatively liberal Stanford University and the adjacent Hoover Institution, which was known for its conservative orientation.

We were fortunate to have the advice of Warren Christopher, who served as deputy secretary of state in my administration and was then chairman of the Stanford University trustees. His group of distinguished advisers proposed a framework that would let our Center work in harmony with Emory University. Representatives of the Center and Emory reached an agreement in 1994, after five years of consultation. The Center would retain its permanent independence and be governed by a board of trustees on which Rosalynn and I would serve as chairpersons. Half of the remaining trustees would be selected by us and approved by the Emory trustees, and the other half, including Emory’s president, would be selected by the university and approved by us, for a total of about two dozen.

One of the Emory committees struggled with how to express the prospect of a future without Rosalynn or me, sometimes with peals of laughter at their efforts to be sensitive to our feelings about prospective death. I finally wrote a poem about the quandary:

COMMITTEE OF SCHOLARS DESCRIBE THE FUTURE WITHOUT ME

Some shy professors, forced to write

about a time that’s bound to come

when my earthly life is done

described my demise

in lovely euphemistic words

invoking pleasant visions of

burial rites, with undertakers,

friends, and pious pastors

gathered round my flowered casket

eyes uplifted

breaking new semantic ground

not by saying

I have passed on

joined my Maker

or gone to the promised land

but stating the lamented fact

in the best of terms

that I, now dead, have

reduced my level of participation.

Both before and after my level of participation would be reduced, The Carter Center would raise its own funds and employ its own people, but we would comply with the university’s personnel policies, and any of our income above that needed for annual budgets would be invested by the university along with its own endowment. Leaders in charge of our programs, called fellows, could also serve as professors at the university when desirable. I am beginning my twenty-sixth year as University Distinguished Professor, and Rosalynn also continues as a University Fellow.

In the midst of struggling to raise enough donations to finance our programs and to retire our construction debt, I was appalled when Christopher’s group recommended that we also raise an endowment of $12 million. I could see myself spending the rest of my life raising funds, but I reluctantly agreed. Over the years, this goal has increased to $25 million, $100 million, and ultimately $250 million, which we have now exceeded. This, along with our partnership with Emory and the development of a worldwide array of leaders and financial supporters who cooperate with us in our multiple programs, is one of the guarantees that The Carter Center will be a permanent institution.

At the beginning, I established some conservative fiscal policies for The Carter Center that have been strictly observed. Although we had to borrow several million dollars to complete our original buildings, furnishings, and grounds, we repaid these debts as quickly as possible and, since then, have maintained a balanced budget. We have refrained from launching even our most desired projects until funding was assured, a polic...