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Introducing the Politics of Penance
âBless me Father, for I have sinned,â says the penitent to open the dialogue in Catholic confessionals across the globe and throughout the ages. After the disclosure of sins and just before the bestowal of absolution comes the priestâs response, âFor your penance, . . .â These lines have become iconic, providing a window into a unique element of Catholic life. But does this script, and the practices it signifies, have any relevance beyond the confessional? More specifically, does the structured imposition of a penance in the context of reconciliation work only in a church setting, or does it point to ways in which political communities can deal with acts of injustice? Exploring this question does not imply that the practice of penance within the church always works well. Too often the practice has become spiritualizedââFor your penance, say three Hail Marysââwithout tending also to making amends concretely. And for many Catholics, even the word penance suggests a sense of guilt-inducing confessionals and the root cause of a mass exodus from the sacrament. But, while I am interested in how penance can re-emerge in a contemporary revival of Confession, my focus in this book is different. I want to examine the nature of penitential action itself and explore what role it can play in solutions to social challenges ranging from crime and punishment to war and reconciliation.
The specific question I seek to answer is this: can political tasks of social repair benefit from insights on the nature of penance? An affirmative answer to this question is by no means obvious. Ethics that emphasize penance are not the first place political leaders turn in seeking tools after the rupture of communal life. Institutions like courts and prisons are the primary delegates in the pursuit of justice and reparationâif reparation is even an agreed-upon goal. A topic like penance seems, at best, a nonthreatening sideshow to this official work, perhaps complementary but certainly not a constitutive part of the justice being sought. In this way, the centrality of penance to the political tasks of social repair is not currently clear. And I am well aware that the Christian tradition itself offers not a single but multiple, and often competing, understandings of penance. My task is to mine this broad tradition in the construction of a single coherent concept of penance that can then be applied to public tasks of social repair. If I succeed, the result will be what I call a penitential ethic. By making this my constructive proposal, I will not be attempting to migrate this or that historical model of ecclesial practice into politics. Rather, I will glean key principles of the penitential tradition that can appeal even to a secular construal of justice, and then I will suggest how they fill gaps in the practices of social reparation today.
To begin, I offer my first and most important definition. By penance, I mean practices through which persons lament, take responsibility for, and seek to repair the wounds that are caused by sin. I will continue to develop this and other definitions throughout the book, but given the centrality of penance to my project, I will now highlight the three key elements of its practice:
In important ways these three practices are sequential. That is, they establish the ideal movements by which penance becomes social repair. However, I do not want to over-script the process, and I will need to develop the interrelated dynamics of these elements. I also will need to address how insights from theologically laden practices and principles of penance can help meet challenges that arise, ostensibly, from political contexts. In this way, my use of the term ethic is designed for easier migration from theology to politics, but I still need to justify its relevance for pluralistic settings. I will do so by digging to the natural roots of penitential practices in order to unearth basic strategies for the social repair of human communities. The three main principles guiding these strategies are the following:
As I develop the practices and principles of penance, I will use concrete examples to show their relevance and capacity to promote social repair. Specifically, I will apply the penitential ethic to the following three cases:
Connecting the practices and principles of penance to these cases yields the following schematic to conceptualize my project:
While the case for the penitential ethic will rise or fall with the power of these concepts to respond to political challenges, the most captivating dimension of the project comes through the illustrative embodiment of penance by my main sources. Thus I offer a chapter to each of these exemplars. I begin with the Irish monks of the fifth through ninth centuries, who developed a robust system of penances that were interpersonal, involving perpetrators in the process of seeing and undoing the damage of their sins. Making use of indigenous Celtic tradition as well as early Christian theology, the monasteries of Ireland became sites of reconciliation that injected socially reparative penance into violence-riven communities.
After a brief treatment of penitential theology after the monks, I turn to St. Thomas Aquinas. In the thirteenth century, Aquinas challenged conventional wisdom and insisted on a critical difference between restitution and penance. The latter, which he saw as perfecting the former, enables the penitent to participate in the graced performance of Christâs redemption of the world. This approach is connected to the aforementioned horizon of hope, in which penance can be a gift that does not so much return communities to a prior situation as it does generate creative directions by which they can build something new.
Following another treatment of historical context, we meet Pope John Paul II, the saint who during the Jubilee Year 2000 captured global attention through public gestures of repentance for the sins of Catholics throughout history. Not without opposition, the popeâs strategy yielded a cascade of effortsâsecular and ecclesialâfor reconciliation and justice. In describing this program of collective penance, I will note the ways it was not employed by American bishops in the wake of the sexual abuse crisis. This specific failure, in fact, demonstrates why the penitential ethic is a needed and promising resource for the task of social repair. And it is to this task that I turn in my final chapters, in which I apply the ethic to the three case studies, demonstrating its contemporary value.
The practical aim of this book is to show that the penitential ethic I offer is not only a model but also a tool for analysis. That is, when practitioners are constructing or evaluating a specific initiative to address damages resulting from injustice, they can ask, does it promote individual moral agency and personal responsibility? Is there a communal dimension that allows for broad participation in social repair? Does it motivate fresh movement toward a new real...