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Introduction to the Problem of Ngimurok
Introduction
Christian faith among the Turkana people of northwest Kenya is currently varied and intermingled with traditional Turkana religious practices. During my eight years of living among the Turkana people of northwest Kenya, my experience was that many people, both Christian and non-Christian, continued to be heavily influenced by traditional religious specialists called ngimurok. While this influence seemed clear, numerous inconsistencies would present themselves, especially in light of Western missionaries and Turkana church leaders consistently teaching that ngimurok are dangerous, received their powers from the Evil One (Ekipe), Satan, and needed to be avoided. Yet, just as persistently, Turkana ngimurok continued to be sought out and consulted, even by many Christians, for a multitude of reasons: when there is an illness in the family, when animals become ill, when ancestors speak to the family through possession, when sacrifices and prayers are required for rain, before participating in a cattle raid, when animals are lost, when curses are cast, and at other times for various reasons. But in spite of these arguably benevolent roles ngimurok are known to play in the community, a tension remains between the traditional roles of the ngimurok and the doctrines of the Christian churches in Turkana.
One controversial example is found in the person of Nayoken, an emuron with the ability to âreadâ tobacco leaves in the Kachala village near to where the Kalabata and Kerio rivers join. Church leaders from a nearby village would visit Nayokenâs village for times of informal teaching and worship centered on Scripture and Godâs revelation of salvation through Jesus. Eventually an evangelistic event took place in Kachala, with nearly everyone accepting the message of Jesus together after four days of teaching, fellowship, the sharing of meals, and worship. Clear teaching was presented concerning the evils of ngimurok, with everyone mindful that Nayoken was himself an emuron. On the day when a decision was called for, there was little discussion; Nayoken and the other Turkana elders from the village decided to become Christians. Including the emuron Nayoken and the other elders, 130 people were baptized the week before Christmas, 2002, in the village of Kachala.
During regular Turkana church leader meetings and discussions I attended in 2003, Nayoken was mentioned numerous times. He was well known for his ability to answer peopleâs questions by reading tobacco leaves. People would hire trucks in the town of Lodwar, the district capital, and travel the difficult four-hour, 110 kilometer, trip into the âbushâ to ask questions of Nayoken and pay for his services. The church leaders did not think he should continue his emuron practices as a Christian and requested that I go with them to talk to him. Although old, Nayoken was a very strong man, both physically and intellectually, and thus was more intimidating than many ngimurok I have met. His response to the request to stop the emuron practices was simple: it was Akuj, the creator God, who gave him the ability to read tobacco leaves, and he saw no reason to stop using an ability that God had given him.
Even after repeated visits (some were concerning this issue, but most were for teaching and worship in the community), the issue was not resolved in the minds of the Turkana church leaders. To this day, Turkana church leaders do not know what to do with Nayoken. He supports the church, attends most worship services held in his village, and his family is comprised of some very strong, faithful Christians; and although a leader in his community, his continued practice as an emuron is outwardly prohibited by the church and does not allow him to be recognized or trained as an official church leader.
Reflecting on these difficulties, I began to notice other inconsistencies between Western missionariesâ Christian profession of faith and the daily practices of Turkana Christians in the Turkana context. While Turkana Christians agreed in church that ngimurok were evil and to be avoided, it seemed that the ngimurok still played an influential positive role in many of the small rural communities where a majority of the people had become Christians. Paul Hiebert, Tite TiĂ©nou and Daniel Shaw recognize this as a common occurrence throughout the world, wherever traditional religion is practiced: âpeople who become Christians continue to turn to shamans, diviners, medicine men, witch doctors and magicians to deal with their everyday problems of life.â
Many missiologists follow Hiebert, TiĂ©nou, and Shaw in describing this condition as âsplit-level Christianityâ: a form of Western Christianity adopted in non-Western contexts that focuses on the official teachings of the church but lacks the provision of answers to contextual problems, leading to simultaneously continued practice of folk beliefs, often hidden from the church leaders. Hiebert, Shaw, and TiĂ©nou suggest that while our first reaction to traditional religious practices that seem to contradict the gospel is a desire to âstamp them out,â this would only lead to the practices being further hidden, making them even more difficult to address. The goal of missionaries and church leaders should not be to stamp out wrong practices, âbut to transform churches into living communities where the gospel is heard and applied to all of life.â Christ has the power to transform and answer the questions raised by traditional religion, but the âanswers must be rooted in a biblical, not an animistic, worldview.â
From my years in Turkana as a missionary, and this subsequent research, my estimation is that Western missionaries and Turkana church leaders have tried to âstamp outâ the role of the ngimurok in the lives of Turkana, but have been unsuccessful at either the stamping out or the equipping of the church to deal with the epistemological foundations that ngimurok symbolize in Turkana. Christian communities in Turkana have learned to relate to their traditional religion in patterns of âdenunciation or of separatenessâ while âdialogue has been distinctively absent.â For Bediako, this was the pattern of mission in Africa, clearly defined when the Edinburgh 1910 ...