Politics and Purges in China

Rectification and the Decline of Party Norms, 1950-65

Frederick C Teiwes

• Editorial: Routledge
• Año: 2016
• ISBN:
  9781315484754
• Edición: 2
• Categoría: Social Sciences
• Categoría: Ethnic Studies

Drawing upon released documents, memoirs and party-history works, the process and impact of the political campaigns in China between 1950 and 1965 is documented. Complete with extensive interviews with Chinese scholars and former officials, the book reviews the findings of the first edition.

PART I

Doctrine, Methods and Historical Development

1
Rectification Doctrine

The theoretical underpinnings of rectification were laid in Yan’an during the late 1930s and early 1940s as part of the creation of a coherent set of Party organizational norms. This doctrine underwent remarkably little development in the 1950–65 period despite a profound evolution in Mao’s overall thought. The theoretical refinement that did take place was mostly confined to Mao’s 1957 writings—especially his essay “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People” which elaborated the concept of “non-antagonistic contradictions.” This development, although accompanied by a major departure in rectification methods, did not break with past doctrine. It was essentially an effort to extend well established principles to a new situation following “the victory of socialist transformation” (see Chapter 6). A far more significant impact on the rectification process grew out of Mao’s increasing preoccupation with protracted class struggle from 1959 onwards, but this did not directly alter formal rectification theory.^a

Cultural Revolution sources have claimed that this relatively unchanging body of theory in fact contained two conflicting tendencies, one associated with Mao and another with his chosen heir, Liu Shaoqi. This has led some scholars to see important divergencies in the writings of Mao and Liu on organizational matters. Mao is pictured as making obedience conditional on correct policies, emphasizing dramatic displays of emotion in resolving tensions, and being intent upon bringing extra Party forces into the rectification process. In contrast, Liu is viewed as the advocate of rigid discipline, rationalizing conflict and repressing undue emotion, and maintaining a strict demarcation between inner Party rectification and mass activities.¹ This analysis rejects such an interpretation. While differences did appear between Mao and Liu on rectification in the pre-Cultural Revolution period, they did not consistently argue opposing positions. Moreover, their writings of the Yan’an period which formulated rectification doctrine were fundamentally complementary; any differences were matters of nuance or the degree of attention each gave to specific problems. To the extent Mao and Liu differed over specific rectification campaigns in the following two and a half decades, it was in large measure due to the difficulty of applying the ambiguities of the doctrine to new circumstances rather than to any long standing differences in emphasis.

Contradictions and Proletarian Consciousness

Rectification doctrine is firmly linked to the larger body of CCP ideology. Party theoretical writings, particularly those of Mao, place enormous emphasis on the existence and implications of “contradictions” (maodun).² In the dialectical perspective, the world “teems with contradictions” and neither history nor society can be properly understood without an analysis of the relation of contradictory forces. The Party as an active force in history is required to define the principal contradiction of each historical period and align with its progressive aspect in a struggle to overcome and transform the reactionary aspect. Moreover, the contradictions of society are reflected within the Party itself and struggle is a necessary feature of Party life. According to Mao, “If there were no contradictions in the Party and no ideological struggles to resolve them, the Party’s life would come to an end.”³ The nature and form of contradictions both in society and the Party, however, are in perpetual flux, and therefore pose major problems for analysis and handling.

As elaborated by Mao in 1957, there are two kinds of contradictions, “antagonistic” (duikangxing) and “non-antagonistic” (feiduikangxing). Rectification techniques are particularly designed for handling non-antagonistic contradictions, while purges are suited to antagonistic contradictions. An antagonistic contradiction is one “between ourselves and the enemy,” i.e., in the post-1949 period, between those who support socialism as defined by the CCP and those who relentlessly oppose it. Such a contradiction is irreconcilable; one antagonistic force must prevail over the other. In contrast to contradictions “between ourselves and the enemy,” contradictions “among the people” are generally non-antagonistic. While the composition of the “people” is always subject to change, since the establishment of the PRC it has consisted of all classes, strata and social groups which approve and support socialist transformation and construction. Among these classes, strata and groups, and between them and the Party, exist conflicting interests, but these contradictions are subordinate to the common interest of the people as a whole. Such contradictions can be reconciled, adjustments can be made to accommodate the different needs of various groups without undue strain on the people’s unity.⁴

It is important to note that what distinguishes antagonistic from non-antagonistic contradictions, and thus the suitability of rectification or purge methods, is not “objective” considerations of class but rather the “subjective” attitudes of the groups concerned. Although class contradictions, especially those between the bourgeoisie and proletariat, are frequently antagonistic, this need not be the case in all situations.^b An enemy is defined by his hostility to the Party and not by his class status, even though in many cases there may be an identifiable link between the two.

But while theory delineates the types of contradictions which require the use of rectification or purge techniques, it provides no clear guidelines for identifying these contradictions in practice. The slippery task of determining the nature of any specific contradiction, already made difficult by the subjective criteria which must be applied, is further complicated by the fact that the contradiction itself is subject to constant flux. In everyday life as well as periods of major historic change antagonistic contradictions may be transformed into non-antagonistic ones and vice versa. Mao spoke of both possibilities in “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions among the People”:

The contradiction between exploiter and exploited, which exists between the national bourgeoisie and the working class, is an antagonistic one. But, in the concrete conditions existing in China, such an antagonistic contradiction, if properly handled, can be transformed into a non-antagonistic one and resolved in a peaceful way. But if it is not properly handled, if say, we do not follow a policy of uniting, criticizing and educating the national bourgeoisie, or if the national bourgeoisie does not accept this policy, then the contradiction between the working class and the national bourgeoisie can turn into an antagonistic contradiction as between ourselves and the enemy.⁵

Thus the possibility of change in the nature of a contradiction, whether for good or ill, depends on two factors—the willingness of the people concerned to accept transformation and the proper or improper handling of the situation by the Party. As we shall see, both considerations stand at the heart of the rectification process.

Cultivating Proletarian Consciousness

Rectification is not designed simply to correct deviant thoughts and attitudes. Above all it seeks to develop “proletarian consciousness” (wuchanjieji yishi), to raise systematically the level of each person’s knowledge of and commitment to proletarian values. Thus rectification involves education and training, what Liu Shaoqi termed “cultivation” (xiuyang), in pursuit of a fundamental transformation. This concept, while originally applied to Party members, can easily be extended to non-Party cadres as well.

In CCP theory proletarian consciousness is not simply a reflection of the attitudes of a particular class. It is a state infused with moral fervor involving the utmost dedication in striving for highly valued yet elusive goals. Liu passionately stated this view with reference to Party members:

When contradictions arise between the interest of the Party and the individual, we can, without the slightest hesitation or feeling of compulsion, submit to Party interests and sacrifice the individual. To sacrifice the individual for the sake of the Party, for the sake of class, for national liberation, or the liberation of mankind, even to sacrifice one’s own life, without the slightest hesitation, with a feeling of happiness—this is the highest expression of Communist morality, the highest expression of principle by the Party member, a pure and honest expression of the Party member’s proletarian consciousness.⁶

True proletarian consciousness is not an easy state to attain. Seeking that state may be compared to travelling down a long, tortuous road beset by dangers on all sides. As an individual starts such a journey he is subject to a wide variety of evil influences left over from traditional and bourgeois societies which still persist in the ideological realm after basic changes in production relations. Even Party members of pure proletarian origin or veteran cadres who have gone through years of revolutionary struggle are threatened by particularistic pressures and selfish temptations. Often these pressures can only be overcome through an emotionally and psychologically exacting process. As Mao put it in 1942:

It is necessary to destroy these [petty bourgeois influences] and sweep them away, but it is not easy…. The first step … is to give the patient a powerful stimulus: yell at him, “You’re sick!” so the patient will have a fright and break out in an overall sweat; then he can actually be started on the road to recovery.⁷

Indeed, the need for such traumatic methods is understandable since what is asked of the individual is nothing less than he transform his world outlook, that he overturn his entire identity (fanshen) by shaking off all pernicious influences of the past. But at the same time the need for emotional trauma raises problems in implementing Party reform, particularly in view of the danger of excessive struggle. It is a delicate task to determine when emotional intensity is required and when it is counterproductive to the aims of rectification.

Despite awareness of the difficulties involved, rectification doctrine is optimistic about the potentialities of the process. Official statements have repeatedly held that 90 to 95 percent of cadres are good or comparatively good and capable of being reformed by proper rectification techniques. While proletarian consciousness is subject to backsliding, repeated education will assure that these cadres return to the path of righteousness.

The basis of this optimistic view is firmly rooted in the assumption that the vast majority of individual cadres and Party members want to be transformed or at least are willing to accept transformation. This can be seen in one of Mao’s most characteristic concepts: “unity-criticism-unity” (tuanjie-piping-tuanjie). Starting with a desire for unity, the application of criticism results in the attainment of unity on a new basis.⁸ That is, most cadres subjectively desire to serve the people despite their shortcomings; the Party, as the repository of truth, reveals the nature and source of their mistakes through criticism; and as a result unity is achieved on a higher, more conscious level and shortcomings are overcome. While proper educational methods are a key factor in this process, the matter rests ultimately with an exercise of individual will. Even cadres among the 5 to 10 percent who are judged unworthy, provided they sincerely desire to change their ways, can be saved.⁹ The Party only rejects those who despite patient, persistent education steadfastly refuse to accept transformation. Thus rectification may be seen as a morality play in which the sinner, beset by temptation on all sides, can by means of a moral choice obtain salvation. It was one of Mao’s deepest convictions that, faced with such a choice, only a very few will reject the grace offered by the Party.

Rectification Doctrine and Party Organizational Norms

While the willingness to accept the Party’s offer of grace is essential for ideological reform, successful rectification also requires that Party leaders skillfully manage the reform process itself. Rectification, t...