Conducting Interviews with Child Victims of Abuse and Witnesses of Crime

A Practical Guide

Mireille Cyr

• Editorial: Routledge
• Año: 2022
• ISBN:
  9781000562200
• Edición: 1
• Categoría: Psychologie
• Categoría: Psychologie clinique

This book is a practical and thoughtful guide for the forensic interview of children, presenting a synthesis of the empirical and theoretical knowledge necessary to understand the account of child victims of abuse or witnesses of crime.

It is a complex task to interview children who are suspected of being abused in order to gather their stories, requiring the mastery of many skills and knowledge. This book is a practical one in that constant links are made between the results of the research and their relevance for the interventions made when interviewing child victims of abuse or witnesses of crime and in understanding their accounts. This book also presents in a detailed and concrete way the revised version of the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD-R) Protocol, a forensic structured interview guide empirically supported by numerous studies carried out in different countries. The step-by-step explanations are illustrated with a verbatim interview with a child, as well as other tools to help the interviewer to prepare and handle an efficient and supportive interview.

Conducting Interviews with Child Victims of Abuse and Witnesses of Crime is essential reading for stakeholders in the justice, social and health systems as well as anyone likely to receive allegations from children such as educators or daycare staff. Although the NICHD-R Protocol is intended for forensic interviewers, the science behind its development and application is relevant to all professionals working with children.

Chapter 1 Factors influencing disclosure

DOI: 10.4324/9781003265351-1

• Who are the children who disclose their abuse?
• Do children try to protect the perpetrator by not disclosing their abuse?
• How many children lie and make false allegations?
• Are false allegations more numerous when parents are divorced or going through a divorce?

In this chapter, we will address the issue of disclosing abuse and, more specifically, sexual abuse. The incidence and prevalence rates will first be presented in order to better understand the extent of child maltreatment. We will then examine, based on the available empirical data, the factors that facilitate their disclosure and those that are likely to hinder it. Finally, the issue of false allegations will be discussed as well as the factors associated with them, in order to draw the most comprehensive possible picture of the situations likely to arise when a child is heard during an investigative interview or an assessment to determine if he/she is a victim of maltreatment.

1 Prevalence and incidence

Prevalence refers to the number of people in a given population who have experienced child abuse. As prevalence covers the whole life, rates are generally assessed by so-called retrospective studies using self-reported questionnaires in which the participant is asked to report his/her experience for the period covering childhood and adolescence. The prevalence of abuse has been documented particularly for sexual abuse, physical abuse, and emotional abuse. To determine the international prevalence of child maltreatment, Stoltenborgh and colleagues conducted three meta-analyses. For sexual abuse, they reviewed 217 articles published between 1980 and 2008, including 331 independent samples for a total of 9,911,748 participants (Stoltenborgh, Van IJzendoorn, Euser, & Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2011). Their results indicate that the prevalence for girls is between 16.4%, the lowest level, and 19.7%, the highest level, for an average rate of 18%. Among boys, the prevalence oscillates between 4.1% and 19.3% for an average of 7.6%. The prevalence estimated from self-reported data is higher (12.7%) than that from official sources (4%). Creighton (2002) indicates that the number of cases that reach the attention of the authorities, child welfare, or the police is always lower than the actual number of cases of abuse.

In their review of the literature on emotional abuse, Stoltenborgh and colleagues (Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, Alink, Van Ijzendoorn, 2012) identified 29 studies involving 7,082,279 participants. They report that the rates vary considerably depending on whether they are obtained from professionals (0.3%) or they come from questionnaires self-reported by participants (36.3%) for a combined rate of 26.7%. No gender difference is noted, indicating that boys and girls are at the same risk of experiencing emotional abuse.

The meta-analysis concerning the prevalence rates of physical abuse was made from 111 studies grouping 168 independent samples, for a total of 9,698,801 participants (Stoltenborgh, Bakermans-Kranenburg, Van IJzendoorn, & Alink, 2013). According to professionals, the prevalence rates of physical abuse are 0.3%, while they reach 22% when they are established from self-reported questionnaires. This study also shows that the broader the definition of physical abuse and the longer the period of time covered (0 to 18 years), the higher the observed rates. A study conducted on a representative sample of the Canadian population indicates that 32% of people over the age of 18 reported at least one form of maltreatment suffered before the age of 15 (Afifi et al., 2014). Physical abuse (26.1%) is the most frequently reported form of violence, followed by sexual violence (10.1%) and parental exposure to domestic violence (7.9%). Women are more often victims of sexual abuse (14.4%) than men (5.8%) and also more often witnesses of partner violence (8.9% versus 6.9%). Men are more frequently victims of physical abuse (31.0%) than women (21.3%). It is important to note that few of these incidents of maltreatment had been reported or dealt with by the authorities since only 7.6% of those who have suffered maltreatment have been in contact with child protective services. Cases of physical abuse are the most frequently reported (16.8%) (Afifi et al., 2015).

Incidence indicates the number of new cases reported or detected over a specific and restricted period of time. Most often, relevant data is obtained in the context of child protection. Incidence studies underestimate the extent of maltreatment, as the data used is based only on cases reported to child welfare services or other authorities. These data, therefore, only represent a proportion of actual cases. In addition, incidence studies observe fewer cases of sexual abuse than prevalence studies because the former cover a much more limited period than the latter, which cover the whole of life before adulthood. Incidence rates are also likely to vary by country and by child protection law or system.

The most recent data on child abuse in Canada show that there were 39.2 investigations for maltreatment per 1,000 children in 2008 (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2010). For 36% of the investigations carried out, the suspicions of abuse or neglect were corroborated, while for 8% of them, the evidence was not sufficient and doubt remained. In 30% of the cases, the suspicions did not seem to be founded. Exposure to domestic violence and neglect are the most frequently corroborated forms of maltreatment, comprising 34% each of the cases investigated, followed by physical (20%), psychological (9%), and sexual (3%) violence. It is rare to find sexual abuse combined with other forms of maltreatment, as it comprises around 1% of the cases investigated. On the other hand, in investigations where sexual abuse was the main form of maltreatment, physical abuse was noted in 11% of the cases investigated, and 8% of the children concerned required medical care. Psychological violence was also noted in 47% of cases in which sexual abuse was the main form of maltreatment (e.g., threats, verbal abuse or denigration, exploitation). As for the frequency of sexual abuse, they constitute an isolated incident in 49% of cases and repeated incidents in 51% of investigations. As for the combinations of maltreatment observed, we note that neglect is frequently associated with exposure to domestic violence or psychological violence, that emotional abuse is combined with exposure to domestic violence, and that physical violence is often associated with emotional abuse or exposure to domestic violence.

In the United States, the last incidence study in 2019 reported a small decrease from previous years (in 2018, it was 9.2 / 1,000) with 656,000 children (8.9 / 1,000). A total of 84.5% of victims suffer a single type of maltreatment. In order of frequency, the more frequent maltreatment reported involves 61% of neglect, 10.3% of physical abuse, 7.2% of sexual abuse, and 6.8% of other types of maltreatment (threat of abuse, parental alcohol/drug use, lack of supervision, abandonment of newborn safety). In addition, a national estimate of 1,840 children died from abuse and neglect at a rate of 2.50 per 100,000 children in the population (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2021).

2 The difficulty of disclosing maltreatment

Of all forms of child maltreatment, sexual violence is probably the most underre-ported and the most difficult to detect. Indeed, domestic violence, physical abuse, and neglect give signs that can be identified by different people around the child and family. Childhood sexual abuse usually occurs in a closed world where only the perpetrator and the child are present. In addition, when physical sequelae are present, they are usually located in little exposed areas of the child’s body. The data suggests that a significant number of children will not disclose their sexual abuse when it occurs. In fact, in their review of available studies, London and her colleagues (London, Bruck, Ceci, & Shuman, 2005) examined two sources of data, namely (1) retrospective data on adults concerning their disclosure as a child and (2) current data from children assessed for sexual abuse allegations. The average disclosure rate observed in six of the eleven retrospective studies was 33%. This means that two-thirds of the adults questioned did not disclose the sexual abuse they had suffered during their childhood. In cases where the assault was exposed, only between 10% and 18% remember that their assault was reported to authorities.

In addition, in their review of sixteen studies of children in treatment for sexual abuse, referred for evaluation in child protection centers or even to specialized medical teams, London and her colleagues reported an average disclosure rate of 64% with a range from 24% to 96%. These highly variable rates are explained by the heterogeneity of the groups of children examined and the conditions under which these disclosures were obtained. The results of the studies are quite consistent that when the child revealed a sexual abuse to a professional or another person, the child is more likely to reveal it again when questioned in a formal setting (Leach, Powell, Sharman, & Anglim, 2017).

Two Canadian surveys carried out on representative samples of adults also show that 31% of men have never disclosed the sexual abuse of which they were victims in childhood, while this rate varies between 16% and 26% for women (Hébert, Tourigny, Cyr, McDuff, & Joly, 2009; Tourigny, Hébert, Joly, Cyr, & Baril, 2008). In total, 21.2% of victims reportedly disclosed their assault within a month, while nearly half (48.8%) waited 5 years or more before disclosing the assault. Significantly more people who have delayed disclosure for a long time or who have not disclosed it show clinical symptoms of psychological distress and post-traumatic stress disorder. Finally, another Canadian survey of a large population sample showed that less than 9% of victims of sexual abuse had reported the event to child protective services (MacMillan, Jamieson, & Walsh, 2003).

The theory proposed by the psychiatrist Summit (Summit, 1983) to take into account the process of revealing sexual abuse is fairly widely known and is used in the courts, although the empirical data at our disposal does not seem to support this proposition. Summit’s theory suggests that the disclosure process has five stages: (1) secrecy, (2) helplessness, (3) entrapment and accommodation, (4) delayed, confrontational, and unconvincing disclosure, and (5) retraction of the disclosure. Summit, therefore, suggests that children who are sexually assaulted often blame themselves for the assaults and doubt themselves. As they fear the perpetrator’s reactions and the impact a disclosure might have on their family and environment, these children try to remain silent and adjust to the situation. However, when the child decides to reveal what happened, it will be done gradually over time and in a process that will involve outright rejection or retraction of previous disclosures. The data presented above confirm that a large proportion of children will delay the disclosure of their aggression or even never disclose it, which corresponds to the stage of secrecy. However, the available data do not confirm that, for the majority of children, disclosure occurs gradually or that it is accompanied by retraction.

We have little data on recantation rates, but those observed to date vary between 4% and 23% (see Katz, 2014). The analysis of these data requires an ecological perspective (see below) since different factors influence this phenomenon. Malloy and Lyon (2006) observe that among children who recanted, 23% were more likely to have been assaulted by a family member and to be under the age of 10. In addition, in these cases, the non-abusive parent provided little support and was reluctant to believe the child’s disclosures. These observations are confirmed by the study of Katz (2014), which indicates that other factors have a role to play, in particular cultural and religious factors, the placement of the child outside the family after the disclosure, the incarceration of the perpetrator (particularly if it is the father), and the threats or blame received by the child from other members of his/her family (e.g., mother, grandparents). Maintaining contact with the perpetrator also increases the probability of recantation (Malloy, Mugno, Rivard, Lyon, & Quas, 2016).

3 Factors that influence disclosure

Recent research is shedding light on the factors that may delay or prevent children from disclosing their abuse. Collin-Vézina and his colleagues (Collin-Vézina, De La Sablonnière-Griffin, Palmer, & Milne, 2015) grouped the factors preventing disclosure according to an ecosystemic model. Three levels are identified: (1) intrapersonal, (2) relational, and (3) sociocultural.

1. So at the first level, namely that of the idiosyncratic factors that belong to the person, we note
   • the internalization of blame (feelings of shame and responsibility, fear of disappointing others, and feeling of being damaged);
   • self-protection mechanisms (minimization of abusive experience, loss of trust in others, repressed memories); and
   • immaturity of development (insufficient understanding of sexuality, confusion about the abusive situation, lack of means to disclose).
2. 2 At the second level, namely that of relational factors, we find
   • violence and dysfunction in the family (feeling of not being safe, fear of reprisals, protection of others, self-sacrifice);
   • power dynamics (manipulation, threat, law of silence, multiple facets of the relationship with the perpetrator);
   • awareness of repercussions (change in the perception of others, fear of consequences, avoidance of the involvement of authorities); and
   • a fragile social network (person to whom to reveal or able to support, absence of support in the school network).
3. 3 At the last level, namely that of sociocultural factors, we see
   • social stigma (fear of being judged crazy, homosexuality);
   • the taboo of sexuality (lack of knowledge);
   • nonexistent services (awareness programs, access to services, help lines); and
   • culture or historical period (invisibility of sexual abuse in society), the latter factor being more present for older people in the sample.

All of these factors are likely to prevent children or adolescents and even adults from disclosing their situation. This model thus makes it possible to organize in a coherent picture the many obstacles that can prevent disclosure, in addition to underlining the important role that the family environment and society can represent as an obstacle to disclosure. Several of these factors were examined, including the age and the gender of the child, the type of abuse, and internal factors, such as fear of consequences, perception of responsibility, and the effect on the confidant and those around him/her.

Several studies have observed a linear relationship between disclosure and the child’s age (Hershkowitz, Horowitz, & Lamb, 2005; Hershkowitz, Lamb, & Katz, 2014; Lippert, Cross, Jones, & Walsh, 2009). Among 26,446 children, Hershkowitz and colleagues (2005) note that 47.5% of children aged 3 to 6, 66.7% of those aged 7 to 10, and 74.1% of children aged 11 to 14 made a disclosure about sexual abuse or physical abuse. In a sample aged 3 to 16 years, an Australian study (Leach et al., 2017) observes that the disclosure rate increased until the age of 11 years and that it then decreased until the age of 16. The low rate of disclosure in very young children can be explained, among other things, by their ...