Dialect

12 Key excerpts on "Dialect"

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  American English

  Dialects and Variation

  • Walt Wolfram, Natalie Schilling(Authors)
  • 2015(Publication Date)
  • Wiley-Blackwell

    (Publisher)

  When we live a certain way, we are expected to match that lifestyle with our talk. And when we don’t match people’s expectations of how we should talk, the incongruity between words and behavior also becomes a topic for conversation. Language differences are unavoidable in a society composed of a variety of social groups. They are a “fact of life.” And, like other facts of life in our society, they have been passed down with a peculiar mixture of fact and fantasy. 1.1 Defining Dialect Given the widespread awareness of language differences in our society, just about everyone has some understanding of the term Dialect. However, the technical use of the term in linguistics is different from its popular definition in some important but subtle ways. Professional students of language typically use the term “Dialect” as a neutral label to refer to any variety of a language that is shared by a group of speakers. Languages are invariably manifested through their Dialects, and to speak a language is to speak some Dialect of that language. In this technical usage, there are no particular social or evaluative connotations to the term – that is, there are no inherently “good” or “bad” Dialects; Dialect is simply how we refer to any language variety that typifies a group of speakers within a language. The particular social factors that correlate with Dialect diversity may range from geographic location to complex notions of cultural identity. Furthermore, it is important to understand that socially favored, or “standard,” varieties constitute Dialects every bit as much as those varieties spoken by socially disfavored groups whose language differences are socially stigmatized

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  Linguistics in North America, 1

  • William Bright(Author)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • De Gruyter Mouton

    (Publisher)

  Dialect STUDIES, REGIONAL AND SOCIAL FREDERIC G. CASSIDY PRELIMINARY The field of Dialectology, in the United States or anywhere else, is a peculiar one at best. The fact that a Dialect does not differ in kind from a language, that languages can sometimes be seen as Dialects, makes definition difficult and even arbitrary. 1 A Dialect is always a subtype, but how different it may or must be from other subtypes (except idiolects), or in what respects, has no established limits. To recognize the existence of a Dialect, its differences must be emphasized; hence a Dialect is seldom seen in and as itself. Strictly speaking, no Dialect can be fully described unless its fellow Dialects are described too, setting out their common elements and those in which they differ. In practice this has seldom been done; usually (and for good practical reasons) the variant forms are thrown into contrast with the 'standard' or officially accepted Dialect. This emphasis on variance from the 'right' form of the language is responsible for making Dialect seem queer or quaint to the public and for leading even some scholars to treat it unsystematically. Before the rise of scientific language study, interest in Dialect was chiefly anti-quarian. But the attempt in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries to recover lost stages of languages and to work out their interrelationships brought wider scholarly attention to Dialects at last. Though the fact is now nearly forgotten, the proposal and elaboration of the Indo-European hypothesis was one of the most exciting intellectual developments of the century. Not surprisingly, language models of the time were Darwinian: languages are the genera, Dialects the species; languages form trees of descent, like living creatures, and so on. Dialects were thought of as individually distinct units, anchored areally and limited to the lower strata of society.

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  An Introduction to Language (w/ MLA9E Updates)

  • Victoria Fromkin, Robert Rodman, Nina Hyams, , Victoria Fromkin, Robert Rodman, Nina Hyams(Authors)
  • 2018(Publication Date)
  • Cengage Learning EMEA

    (Publisher)

  269 7 Dialects A language is a Dialect that has an army and a navy. MAX WEINREICH (1894–1969) All speakers of English can talk to each other and pretty much understand each other. Yet, no two of us speak exactly alike. Some differences are the result of age, gender, social situation, and where and when the language was learned. These differences are reflected in word choices, the pronunciation of words, and grammatical rules. The language of an individual speaker with its unique characteristics is referred to as the speaker’s idiolect. English may then be said to consist of anywhere from 450 million to upwards of two billion idiolects (or speakers) according to the most generous estimates. Differences may also exist among different groups of people who speak the same language. Bostonians, New Yorkers, Texans, Blacks in Chicago, Whites in Denver, and Latinos in Albuquerque all show variation in the way they speak English. When there are systematic differences in the way groups speak a lan- guage, we say that each group speaks a Dialect of that language. Dialects are mutually intelligible forms of a language that differ in systematic ways. Every speaker, whether rich or poor, regardless of region or racial origin, speaks at least one Dialect, just as each individual speaks an idiolect. A Dialect is not an Language in Society Language is a city to the building of which every human being brought a stone. RALPH WALDO EMERSON, Letters and Social Aims, 1876 Copyright 2019 Cengage Learning. All Rights Reserved. May not be copied, scanned, or duplicated, in whole or in part. Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it.

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  Language in Education

  Social Implications

  • Rita Elaine Silver, Soe Marlar Lwin(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Bloomsbury Academic

    (Publisher)

  Others use it to refer only to regional differences in accent, grammar or vocabulary. Others use it to refer only to regional varieties that have differences in grammar and vocabulary as well as in accent. Some use Dialect to mean ‘non-standard Dialect’. You need to be aware of the differences in definition when reading about Dialects. Some of the oldest surviving written texts comment on differences in the way people from one region speak compared to people from other regions. Philosophers and creative writers have long had an interest in identifying and explaining the ways in which people from different regions speak the same language. Two thousand years ago, the Chinese philosopher Yang Xiong compiled a substantial list of words that varied from one area of China to another: He can be regarded as the world’s first Dialectologist , as he was the first person (to the best of our knowledge) who did an organized study of regional variation within a language. Dialectologists concentrate on regional variation. During the period 1870– 1960, Dialectology developed into its modern form. There were several large-scale Dialectological surveys in many places, including many parts of Europe, China and India. Traditional Dialectology seeks out speakers whose speech is likely to be the most local. The large-scale study in England, the Survey of English Dialects, has been published in a number of forms, including as raw data, as an atlas (Orton et al., 1978), as a dictionary and, most recently, as part of the Accents and Dialects website hosted by the British Library. Often, researchers interview older rural men (less often women) who have always worked in agriculture in their home region, who have travelled little and who have not been educated to a high level. The questionnaire, such as the one used by the Survey of English Dialects, typically asks the respondents what words they use for particular concepts that are known to show variation in that particular language.

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  Space in Language and Linguistics

  Geographical, Interactional, and Cognitive Perspectives

  • Peter Auer, Martin Hilpert, Anja Stukenbrock, Benedikt Szmrecsanyi, Peter Auer, Martin Hilpert, Anja Stukenbrock, Benedikt Szmrecsanyi(Authors)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • De Gruyter

    (Publisher)

  The term appears in text-books: Ronald Wardhaugh’s An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (2006) and Janet Holmes’ Introduction to Sociolinguistics (2008) both have sections or chapters on “regional Dialects” as well as “social Dialects”. And it appears in research ar- Ideology and discourse in the enregisterment of regional variation 111 ticles. A search for Dialect in the journal Language in Society , founded well after the heyday of the large-scale regional Dialectology projects, yields 820 hits, at least 16 of which are articles with Dialect in the title. Some of these are very recent. Edinburgh University Press published a series of books about place-defined ways of speaking called “Dialects of English”; the series’ first volume appeared in 2007. The term Dialect appears 18 times in the program for the 2009 New Ways of Analyzing Variation conference, the North American gathering of sociolinguists which was founded specifically to move the field beyond the kind of theoretically naïve Dialectology that was seen as the old way of analyzing variation. Even though sociolinguists are in theory more interested in patterns of variation and change within commu-nities than in differences between them, and despite our well-founded skep-ticism about the ontological status of language varieties and Dialects (not to mention languages), our results are often used to make claims about areal varieties like the Ocracoke brogue or Southern speech. In doing this, we im-plicitly adopt a different view of language and of the reasons for variation, a view much more like that of laypeople. 3. Regional varieties are social constructs Although linguistic variation may be audible to someone listening for it, a variety is not. What linguists and laypeople alike encounter in lived experi-ence are particular speakers, writers, or signers, saying particular things in particular ways.

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  An Introduction to Sociolinguistics

  • Ronald Wardhaugh, Janet M. Fuller(Authors)
  • 2021(Publication Date)
  • Wiley-Blackwell

    (Publisher)

  Although ordinary people use these terms quite freely in speech, for them a Dialect is almost certainly no more than a local non-prestigious (therefore powerless) variety of a ‘real’ language. In contrast, scholars may experience considerable difficulty in deciding whether one term should be used rather than the other in certain situations. How, then, do sociolinguists define the difference between a Dialect and a language? First, we need to look at the history of these terms. As Haugen says, the terms ‘represent a simple dichotomy in a situation that is almost infinitely complex.’ The word ‘language’ is used to refer either to a single linguistic norm or to a group of related norms, and ‘Dialect’ is used to refer to one of the norms. A related set of terms which brings in additional criteria for distinction is the relationship between what the French call un Dialecte and un patois. The former is a regional variety of a Languages, Dialects, and Varieties 27 language that has an associated literary tradition, whereas the latter is a regional variety that lacks such a literary tradition. Therefore, patois tends to be used pejoratively; it is regarded as something less than a Dialect because it lacks an associated literature. Even a language like Breton, a Celtic language still spoken in parts of Brittany, is called a patois because it lacks a strong literary tradition and it is not some country’s language. However, Dialecte in French, like Dialekt in German, cannot be used in connection with the standardized language, that is, no speaker of French considers Standard French to be a Dialect of French, and in German to tell someone they speak a Dialekt means that they do not speak Standard German (called Hochdeutsch ‘High German’). In contrast, it is not uncommon to find references to Standard English as being a Dialect – admittedly a very important one – of English.

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  An Introduction to Language and Linguistics

  • Ralph W. Fasold, Jeff Connor-Linton(Authors)
  • 2014(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  Because the standard is associated with education and sophistication, other varieties of the language are often considered to be lesser versions of the language – perhaps not as fully formed, or maybe “ sloppy ” in comparison with the standard. However, to the linguist, a language isn ’ t just the standard version of the language but rather the sum of all the varieties that comprise it. Further, sociolinguistics (the study of language in its social context) has demonstrated that all varieties of language – including those quite far removed from “ standard ” or socially prestigious varieties – are equally complex, regularly patterned, and capable of serving as vehicles for the expression of any message their speakers might wish to communicate. Hence, the term Dialect carries no negative connotations but is simply a neutral label to refer to any variety of a language, including the standard variety. Throughout this chapter, we use the term Dialect in this neutral sense. In addition, in order to distinguish Dialects that do not happen to be socially favored from more favored varieties, we will sometimes use the term nonstandard Dialect or vernacular Dialect. Again, no negative connotations are implied, and nonstandard should not be equated with substandard. It is also important to note that Dialects are not the same thing as slang or jargon . The term Dialect is used to refer to an entire language variety, with features on all levels of language patterning (for example, phonology, grammar, and the lexicon). The term slang, on the other hand, is used chie fl y to talk about lexical items. In addition, slang words typically carry some sort of non-neutral social meaning and usually have non-slang synonyms that are more neutral in tone. (Compare, for example, wack vs. strange or kick the bucket vs. die .) Further, slang words are usually considered to be short-lived, though, in reality, some “ slang ” terms have been around for generations.

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  Immigrant Dialects and Language Maintenance in Australia

  The Case of the Limburg and Swabian Dialects

  • Anne Pauwels(Author)
  • 2010(Publication Date)
  • De Gruyter Mouton

    (Publisher)

  The former can refer to 'a single linguistic norm, or to a group of related norms. Resulting from dissolution or unification, a Dialect is then related to any one of the norms classified under language' (Haugen 1966:239). As this relationship is not at stake in this investigation, it will not be further elaborated here. 2) Standard Language versus Dialect In a synchronic approach to language, a distinction between language forms (language varieties) is sometimes made in terms of the status of the variety, resulting in the dichotomy standard language versus Dialect. The standard language acquires its superior status through the expansion of its form and function, referred to by, e.g. Haugen as 'developed language'. According to him, the 'ideal' standard language is that language variety with minimal variation in form and maximal variation in function. The formal characteris-tics of a standard variety include a more or less unified set of grammatical and phonological rules that act as norms. This follows a so-called 'standardiza-tion' or 'codification' process. In any society, beyond that of an homogeneous or secluded grouping, there are communication needs that cannot be handled by the Dialect. The elabora-tion process sees to it that the standardized variety becomes an adequate means of communication in a large-scale society and can fulfil many func-tions. Through the codification process, the standard language obtains great-er adequacy for its written form. Crucial to the continuing existence of the standard language variety is its acceptance by a (part of a) community as the variety of language which is most suitable for generalized communicative use 16 Immigrant Dialects and Language Maintenance in Australia within that society. This acceptance is maximum with regard to written and (spoken) formal language use, but is less general in the areas of spoken language use of an informal kind.

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  Sounds in dialects and languages: An introduction to phonology

  • Prafull Dhondopant Kulkarni(Author)
  • 2023(Publication Date)
  • Society Publishing

    (Publisher)

  Figure 8.1: Sociolinguistics Dialect variation. Source: Image by Wikimedia Commons. We can perceive various people by their unmistakable discourse and language style; as a matter of fact, an individual’s language is one of the most fundamental highlights of self-identity. At the point when the type of a language verbally expressed by a solitary individual is alluded to as a tongue, each speaker of a language has an unmistakable idiolect. Second, we understand that variety in the language is inescapable there is no such thing as a solitary language utilized consistently by all speakers or clients. There is no such thing as a solitary English language as a model, there are numerous English Dialects (idiolects and tongues) it relies upon who is utilizing the language and what is the setting of utilization. Taking Variation or Dialect 225 into Consideration the notable peculiarity of variety in jargon words that exist among English speakers. 8.3. STANDARD LANGUAGE Finegan and Edward (2007) characterized Standard Language as “A language assortment utilized by a gathering in their public talk. Then again, assortments become the norm by going through a course of normalization, during which it is coordinated for portrayal in language structures and word references and encoded in such reference works.” The main peculiarity of the improvement of language in chronicled times has been the foundation of the public normal Dialects – Greek, French, English, German, and so forth “standard” Dialects which have dismissed, or will dismiss the neighbourhood lingos, the majority of standard Dialects are consolidated assortments that are created over periods, and which cover attributes from various tongues. The accounts of, for instance, Standard English (Nevalainen, on the same page), Standard German (Mattheier) and Standard Dutch (Willemyns, in the same place) were framed by persistent determination processes which occurred by degrees after some time.

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  For the Love of Language

  An Introduction to Linguistics

  • Kate Burridge, Tonya N. Stebbins(Authors)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  Subtle nuances of meaning can be captured very neatly by these compound modal constructions – and with time you’ll might could get used to it! Dialects then are all the regionally, socially and also temporally defined varieties that fall within a larger named grouping like ‘the English language’, ‘the Russian language’, ‘the Japanese language’ and so on. While pronunciation differences alone don’t make a variety a distinct Dialect, if speakers have a different accent, they will likely also show differences in their grammar. Although we have made a sharp demarcation here between accent and Dialect, differences in accent are usually accompanied by distinct lexical and grammatical features. STANDARDISED LANGUAGE Variety might be a fact of linguistic life, but there are homogenising forces at work seeking to stamp it out. In Chapter 15, we look more closely at what happens to languages when they are standardised, but really it isn’t too different from normalising processes in other domains. You might compare the story of what happened to bananas when the European Union brought in regulations for their production. While crooked bananas weren’t actually banned (this is a ‘euromyth’), Regulation (EC) 2257/94 did specify that the fruit must be ‘free from malformation or abnormal curvature’. Standardisation (international and national) promotes uniformity and establishes norms and requirements, whether it be for bananas, screw-thread sizes or languages. In the case of a language, standardisation legitimises a single fixed and approved vari- ety. So, dictionaries and grammar books record, regulate, tidy up and iron out variation. With the ground rules on usage laid down, there is no longer any official room for options. 305 CHAPTER 10: Variation and identity Speakers cannot vacillate between forms such as I done it and I did it, or lie and lay – one choice only carries the stamp of approval.

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  Language and Society in South Asia

  • Michael C. Shapiro, Harold F. Schiffman(Authors)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • De Gruyter Mouton

    (Publisher)

  (Gleason, 1961:2). 57. Most particularly from the many writings of Hugo Schuchardt, who dealt with many of the concerns of modern social Dialectology. 52 LANGUAGE AND SOCIETY IN SOUTH ASIA of what constitute languages designed in response to an enlarged concep-tion of linguistic behavior. On the most basic level, the point of departure of recent sociolinguistic investigation has been the observation that within communities linguistic usage is seldom fully homogeneous. Geographical differentiation of language has, of course, been well known and recorded in Dialect atlases for some time. 68 But the observation that linguistic usage within a single commu-nity varies along a number of discrete dimensions, and that the speech of even single individuals may vary with social context, has only recently been rendered theoretically describable by means of mainstream linguistic method-ology. Such variation had previously been observed, but was frequently asserted to be marginal to the central linguistic facts of a language. If it was at all acknowledged it was by asserting that the linguistic usage of an individual or community may encompass multiple norms, but each of these norms should be considered a cohesive uniform entity. Data incompatible with Such multi-Dialectal norms were considered deviant, substandard, or spurious. 69 Not infrequently such data were labeled as being in the domains of stylistics, performance, or something of the sort, and removed from linguistic consideration. In contrast to such views, some current approaches to language assume that linguistic heterogeneity is an integral part of linguistic competence, and that the ability to use language involves the knowledge to systematically manipulate areas of linguistic variability in response to complex social environments.

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  The Cambridge Handbook of Sociolinguistics

  • Rajend Mesthrie(Author)
  • 2011(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  10.6 Class and linguistic theory Class differentiation of language is ultimately of great importance for linguistic theory. It is true, of course, that much of modern linguis- tic thought has disputed this position, taking as its object of study a hypothetical object wildly at odds with linguistic reality. As Chomsky formulates it: “linguistic theory is concerned primarily with an ideal speaker-listener, in a complement homogeneous speech community, who knows its language perfectly” ( 1965: 3). But if we wish to achieve even a minimal level of adequacy for our theories, it is necessary to move beyond this imaginary monostylistic idiolect and confront the problem of sociolinguistic variation. There are three principal areas where this will be an issue for linguistic theory. Firstly, there is the form of the grammar, which should be designed so as to accommodate systematic lectal differences. Secondly, there is the problem of variation in mean- ing. And finally, there is the fundamental distinction between langue and parole, or competence and performance, which is called into question by some of the basic findings of sociolinguistics. One of the basic concerns of modern linguistics is writing grammars. A grammar is supposed to be a formal account of the structure and workings of some language. An adequate grammar must address the question of the scope of its object of description, the language, in that it will have to define the limits of the language community it is attempting to account for, and to accommodate, at least some kinds of social differences in language. We cannot write a grammar of English unless we are prepared to say what is GREGORY R. GUY 184 and is not English, or perhaps what is only partly English, and to account for the linguistic differences which this great abstraction encompasses. Studies of language and social class help us to do this in several ways.

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