Participatory Democracy

11 Key excerpts on "Participatory Democracy"

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  Can Democracy Be Saved?

  Participation, Deliberation and Social Movements

  • Donatella della Porta(Author)
  • 2013(Publication Date)
  • Polity

    (Publisher)

  associational democracy (Hirst 1994), which focuses upon the need for citizens to self-organize. Associational experiences in civil society are here considered not only to be capable of replacing the state in some of its functions, but also to produce social solidarity, contributing to the democratic socialization of the citizens as well as to the production of social goods.

  Participation should thus be an instrument for redistributing resources to the advantage of the weakest. While interest groups favour the most resourceful through less visible lobbying, these arenas of participation should give more power to the powerless. For Peter Bachrach, democratic participation is ‘a process in which persons formulate, discuss, and decide public issues that are important to them and directly affect their lives. It is a process that is more or less continuous, conducted on a face-to-face basis in which participants have roughly an equal say in all stages, from formulation of issues to the determination of policies’ (1975, 41). The participation of those who are excluded is an instrument for reducing inequalities as a democratic public sphere should provide the mechanisms for recognition and representation of the voices and perspectives of those who are oppressed (Young 1990, 184). From this point of view, the participatory approach tends to stress also the substantive, social dimension of democracy (Schmidt 2010, 225–35).

  Conflicts are central in the conceptions of radical democracy (Laclau and Mouffe 2001), which presents agonist democratic politics as a peaceful way to manage conflictual interests that emerge in the (antagonist) political

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  Political and Civic Leadership

  A Reference Handbook

  • Richard A. Couto(Author)
  • 2010(Publication Date)
  • SAGE Publications, Inc

    (Publisher)

  1 Whether in older, “mature” democracies or in newer and emerging democracies, citi-zens speak of mounting disillusionment with government based on concerns about corruption, lack of responsive-ness to the needs of the poor, and the absence of a sense of connection with elected representatives and bureaucrats. Traditional forms of expertise and representation are being questioned. The rights and responsibilities of corporations and other global actors are being challenged as global inequalities persist and deepen. In response to this so-called democratic deficit, whether in the political, civic, or policy arenas, a dizzying array of participatory innovations seek to engage citizens in decision-making processes that affect their lives: • In the policy arena, a widening understanding of the policy process no longer sees policy as the domain of elected representatives, bureaucrats, and experts but includes a focus on the inclusion of citizens who bring different forms of knowledge and perspectives to the table. With this shift, citizens move from being simply users or choosers of public service policies made by others to makers and shapers of policies themselves (Cornwall & Gaventa, 2000). • In debates about democracy and the political process, public participation and citizenship are increasingly seen as going beyond the involvement of voters during elections and entailing more sustained and ongoing forms of consultation and engagement (Fung & Wright, 2003). • In the areas of community development, participatory processes are seen as key to developing projects that provide much-needed community infrastructure, social services, or economic development activities. Core to all of these is an argument for participation that starts with 58 P OWER AND P ARTICIPATION J OHN G AVENTA AND J ETHRO P ETTIT University of Sussex 513 understanding people’s own realities and needs rather than those of outside experts or decision makers (Brock & Pettit, 2007; Chambers, 1997).

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  Doing Democracy Differently

  Political Practices and Transnational Civil Society

  • Henrike Knappe(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • Budrich UniPress

    (Publisher)

  74 •‘…‹‡–› ‡–™‘”• —•– „‡ ‘…‡’–—ƒŽ‹œ‡† ϐ‹”•– ƒ† ˆ‘”‡‘•– ƒ• ƒ ’”‘…‡••Ǧ‘”‹ -ented rather than as institution-oriented democracy. This process dimension is inherent in the participatory approaches of democratic theory. Second, the main assumption that every citizen is capable of learning and practicing Participatory Democracy and that Participatory Democracy leads –‘ „‡––‡” ƒ† ‘”‡ Ž‘‰ǦŽƒ•–‹‰ †‡…‹•‹‘• ‹• ”‡ϐŽ‡…–‡† ƒ† ƒ†ƒ’–‡† ‹ –Š‡ ’ƒ” -ticipation practices within transnational grass-roots NGO coalition networks. Š‡•‡ ’ƒ”–‹…‹’ƒ–‹‘ ’”ƒ…–‹…‡• ƒ”‡ †‹ˆˆ‡”‡– ˆ”‘ †‘‡•–‹ •–ƒ–‡ †‡‘…”ƒ…›ǯ• representative governments and are therefore rather related to normative participatory democratic theory. Civil society as a sphere outside the state is a suggested place to practice democracy by many, if not all participatory democrats. Theorists of associative democracy (Cohen and Rogers 1992; Hirst ͳͻͻͶȌ ‹ ’ƒ”–‹…—Žƒ” ”‡ˆ‡” –‘ –Š‡ ‹’‘”–ƒ…‡ ‘ˆ ‹˜‹Ž •‘…‹‡–› ˆ‘” †‡‘…”ƒ–‹œ‹‰ democracy. Third, in the civil society networks included in this study, it can be empir-ically observed how far democracy expands. For example, those networks are not only civil society coalitions; they also serve as work places for the people employed in different NGOs. It is worthwhile to explore in how far democratic procedures diffuse from the network into working routines at the local level or if there is a sharp dividing line between the transnational network collabo-ration and the workplace settings “at home”. The conceptualization of deliberative democracy shares the same as-sumptions about educational prospects as Participatory Democracy. Deliber-ƒ–‹‘‹•–• •‡‡ †‡‘…”ƒ–‹ ‘”• ˆ—Žϐ‹ŽŽ‡† ‹ˆ †‡…‹•‹‘• ƒ”‡ –ƒ‡ ‘ –Š‡ ‰”‘—†• of the reasonable weighing of all possible arguments and preferences (Held 2006). Deliberation over matters of public relevance forces actors to reason generally and argue in favor of a common purpose.

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  Citizens' Power in Latin America

  Theory and Practice

  • Pascal Lupien(Author)
  • 2018(Publication Date)
  • SUNY Press

    (Publisher)

  This book answers these questions by examining participatory mechanisms in three countries through the eyes of the women and men who devote their time and energy to improving their communities. Why are these participatory innovations important? Liberal democracy is facing a crisis of legitimacy around the world, and particularly in Latin America. According to the 2015 Latinobarometer report, only 39% of Latin Americans were satisfied with the quality of democracy in their country. Perhaps even more troublesome is the low level of support for democracy in Latin America, with nearly half of the region’s citizens claiming that democracy is not necessarily the best form of government. Political institutions are failing to meet the aspirations of increasing numbers of citizens. The high level of public dissatisfaction with the current state of democracy has reignited the debate surrounding the most effective means of integrating popular participation into the policy process. Politicians, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), students of democracy and concerned citizens are thinking about innovative ways of deepening democracy. In order to engage in this discussion, we must develop a better understanding of the strengths and weaknesses of participatory mechanisms.

  This book contributes to this important discussion by looking at a particular type of participatory innovation that has emerged across Latin America: local citizens’ councils that provide individuals with the opportunity to engage in the decision-making process at the neighborhood level in an institutionalized environment. It compares participatory mechanisms in three countries with different models of participatory design: Venezuela’s radical Participatory Democracy, which claims to replace liberal representative institutions with grassroots direct democracy at the local level; Chile’s pragmatic efforts at expanding participation for the purposes of achieving more efficient governance and enhancing liberal institutions; and Ecuador’s hybrid model that demonstrates features of both.

  The following chapters enhance our knowledge on citizen participation in several ways. This is one of the first studies to examine participatory mechanisms from both a cross-country and within-country perspective. Most research has focused on either unique case studies or on within-country comparisons. It is the first to study the new “radical” participatory mechanisms in countries such as Venezuela and Ecuador in comparative perspective and to contrast these with different, more “pragmatic” models of participatory design. It also draws on original qualitative evidence and connects the readers to citizens who participate in these institutions. The book takes the reader into the heart of neighborhoods where marginalized citizens are attempting to use these institutions to improve their communities and have a voice in decisions that affect their lives. We will meet citizen participants from across these three countries, learn about the successes and failures they have experienced through their participatory processes, and hear about their hopes and frustrations.

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  Regime Support Beyond the Balance Sheet

  Participation and Policy Performance in Latin America

  • Matthew Rhodes-Purdy(Author)
  • 2017(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  Delegation of decision-making authority may be appealing in this or that instance, but when it becomes general practice, it robs citizens of the chance to shape their own fates. In the context of modern democratic nation- states, direct control by the citizenry in all aspects of politics is impractical. Even advocates of Participatory Democracy generally see 64 participatory opportunities, efficacy, and support it as a supplement to representative institutions, rather than a replacement (Barber, 1984; Urbinati & Warren, 2008). Some participa- tory democrats, especially those inspired by Marxism, have theorized how participatory modes of decision making might be grafted on to existing systems, in order to minimize the difficulty of transitioning from a democratic model to another. For example, Macpherson (1977) suggests that the delegate model discussed in Chapter 1 could be implemented within political parties, rather than through the cre- ation of new legislative bodies and supporting institutions, which would be far more taxing. Despite these developments, Participatory Democracy has not, as of yet, fully accepted the (at least medium-term) certainty that mediated democratic forms cannot be replaced, and thus even hypo- thetical syntheses such as Macpherson’s are of limited use without modification. However, it is not difficult to see that institutional variation, even in the domain of full democracies, may create considerable variation in the responsiveness of the political system and the autonomy of citizens, as I discuss in Sections 3.2.1-3.2.2. And given the psychological need for such empowerment, it is reasonable to suppose that regimes that encourage such sentiments would be viewed more positively by their citizens. In addition to this direct relationship, there is good theoretical reason to believe that support based upon citizen autonomy provides regimes a reservoir of good faith during troubled times that can further buttress their legitimacy.

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  Agency and Democracy in Development Ethics

  • Lori Keleher, Stacy J. Kosko(Authors)
  • 2019(Publication Date)
  • Cambridge University Press

    (Publisher)

  developed country, yet we don’t automatically give these the “democ- racy” label. Sensibly, Crocker tells us that democracy is a matter of more or less, not either/or (2008, 299). The same is true of socio- economic development. When the issue of Participatory Democracy as an improvement on representative democracy is thus introduced, several questions may be raised: why we should prefer it to the opposite (its absence), how it can be implemented, and who may engage in deliberation and participa- tion. The usual answer to the last question is a simple one: All human beings affected by decisions should have a voice in the discussion and a participation in the decision-making processes where issues relevant for them are settled. Otherwise, decisions are imposed from above without the agency of those affected, although the decision-makers may have been elected by the beneficiaries or perhaps victims of their decisions. Participation begets legitimacy. Ethical Conflicts in the Practice of Participatory Democracy In theory, Participatory Democracy is an improvement on representa- tion by elected officials not only in the public sector – in government and public agencies – but also in institutions of the civil society. 5 Instead of limiting themselves to the occasional election of presidents, congressmen, senators, county officials, and other positions, citizens in participatory democracies are expected to engage in deliberation pre- vious to decisions, by which the commitment of all involved has more probability of success. The limitations of democracy as mere election of representatives are thus brought into focus, since representation could be seen as a means to relinquish citizen power into the hands of a few elected individuals over whose actions the voters lose control, thereby becoming alienated. But, if the argument is pushed to its most radical conclusion, participation and deliberation previous to any decision would almost take the place of representation.

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  Democracy

  • Albert Weale(Author)
  • 2007(Publication Date)
  • Red Globe Press

    (Publisher)

  In other words, precisely because there is not a spontaneous identification of the individual with collective decisions, attitudes consistent with a public orientation need to be fostered in a democracy. If individuals are to lead meaningful lives together, despite their differences, then this can only be built upon a sense of social cooperation in which there is a shared sense of responsibility. Political participation, it can be argued, is an important means by which these civic virtues are developed. Strong claims have been made for the moral benefits of participa-tion in a decentralized polity. Such participation is supposed to foster citizen involvement with the political process, ending the alienation that exists in representative democracies. Participation will thereby contribute to a heightened sense of citizen responsibility, since citi-zens will be taking decisions themselves and will therefore recognize the seriousness of what they are doing. Reinforcing this sense of responsibility are the opportunities available for citizens to deliberate together about common problems without the mediation of television and national newspapers, which distort the political agenda. In these ways, participation is said to promote the self-development of citi-zens, since the processes of democratic discussion and debate foster certain moral capacities (compare Barber, 1984, p. 155). Participation as Democracy, Participation in Democracy 115 116 Democracy These arguments have a long history. The thought that the form of government should be justified in terms of the type of moral personal-ity it produced was, for example, crisply expressed by John Stuart Mill: The first element of good government, therefore, being the virtue and intelligence of the human beings composing the community, the most important point of excellence which any form of government can possess is to promote the virtue and intelligence of the people themselves.

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  New Institutions for Participatory Democracy in Latin America

  Voice and Consequence

  • Kenneth E. Sharpe, M. Cameron, E. Hershberg(Authors)
  • 2012(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  This much is clear, yet there are other truths to be uncovered. If the new democratic practices expand direct citizen participation, this does not mean that traditional political institutions have become less apt to represent them. Participative practices strengthen democracy by broadening the role of cit- izens. However, evidence indicates that this does not occur at the cost of diminishing the role of political representation and its institutions. The relationship between representative and participatory practices of democracy is not trivial. Its clarification is necessary in order to avoid aca- demic opportunism, prejudicial as it is to ideas, or political opportunism, harmful as it is to institutions. Those who suppose that political representa- tion faces a crisis typically become engaged in the defense of participatory and deliberative models of democracy as a means of delegitimizing the legislative branch, jeopardizing its capacity to express popular sovereignty. However, the emergence of new democratic spaces, as well as of new actors involved in the administration of public goods, can be perceived as a means of strengthening political representation rather than a sign of its weakening. The aim of this chapter is to support the above arguments through a study of arguably the major participatory experiment currently being held in Brazil: the national public policy conferences (conferências nacionais de políti- cas públicas). The national policy conferences consist of participatory spaces designed to deliberate on guidelines for the formulation of public policy at Participation as Representation ● 55 the federal level. They are summoned to convene by the executive branch through its ministries and secretariats, are organized according to policy areas and issues, and involve the equal participation of representatives from the government and civil society.

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  Power, participation and political renewal

  Case studies in public participation

  • Barnes, Marian, Newman, Janet(Authors)
  • 2007(Publication Date)
  • Policy Press

    (Publisher)

  In Brazil, Bangladesh, South Africa, Canada and elsewhere, what Cornwall and Coelho call the ‘participatory sphere’ is enlarging, and in spite of the very different socio-political contexts that exist in these places there are considerable resonances in terms of the dilemmas and tensions associated with this. Negotiations about issues of representation and representativeness, the necessity to understand the micro-dynamics of deliberative processes, the uncertain relationship between the claims made within participatory forums and any response to these from those in positions to make decisions, are significant whether the forum is a health council in Sao Paulo, a community group seeking to have its voice heard in rural Bangladesh, or a large-scale consultation with the indigenous population of Canada. The analysis of these experiences leads the authors to assert the need for a similar cautious optimism to that which we want to express. In the context of a plural polity and diverse society faced by increasingly complex problems, new forms of citizen communication and engagement are, as the deliberative democrats argue, vital. Public participation can help to equip people to become better at dialogue with others, enabling a greater understanding of different perspectives and a respect for others’ positions. It also opens up the possibility of new forms of social agency that are crucial to the process of political renewal. Our evidence suggests that these processes were more likely to occur in forums that had their roots in social movements, community activism and service user struggles. But here we confront a final paradox. Governments – and not only in the UK – seem to be increasingly anxious to promote active citizenship and to build social capital. Yet they appear to be deeply uncomfortable with the forms of social action associated with community activism and the politics of new social movements.

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  Participatory Democracy, Science and Technology

  An Exploration in the Philosophy of Science

  • K. Rogers(Author)
  • 2015(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  their existence, and slavery of any kind was prohibited, then differences in wealth would not translate into political inequality. Providing that associations between individuals are diverse and (approximately) equal in economic and political power, then these associations will not threaten the freedoms of others. Democratic participation is an educational pro- cess within which private interests and preferences are informed and trans- formed by the public process of discovering public goods and deciding how best to achieve them through deliberative reason and cooperative action. Practising democratic participation teaches individuals how to exercise their reason to negotiate and cooperate with others; it also trans- forms the individual conception of what goals are desirable and how to realise them. Reasoned deliberation has a psychologically positive effect in transforming a private person into a public citizen, allowing the indi- vidual to explore the potentiality and limitations of social being at a deeper and more meaningful level. It has existential and ontological importance. It also provides individuals with the ability to act collectively as equals to resist the selfish demands and dictates of powerful indi- viduals, while also compelling equally placed individuals to learn how to take into account the interests of others to gain their cooperation through persuasion. On this account, individual intellectual and moral conscience is essential for the judgement of the best course of action. By discovering how to reasonably and practically cooperate with others in order to discover and realise shared goods, one liberates one’s life from the whims and dictates of arbitrary authorities and conventions by intellec- tually engaging with the conditions, meaning, and consequences of one’s actions within a society.

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  Activating the Citizen

  Dilemmas of Participation in Europe and Canada

  • J. DeBardeleben, J. Pammett, J. DeBardeleben, J. Pammett(Authors)
  • 2009(Publication Date)
  • Palgrave Macmillan

    (Publisher)

  Members’ extra-curricular learning occurred at evening sessions at the hotel where ad hoc groups formed to discuss issues before the assem- bly met that weekend. Weekly surveys indicated that CA members felt well supported and that plenary presentations were neutral. The crucial measurement of neutrality was upheld with 93.3 per cent of members saying that ‘the presentation of the options of the Academic Director and research staff’ was very or somewhat unbiased. In the Netherlands, answering a yes/no question, 80 per cent agreed that the staff did not have a preference. All of this suggests that citizens have the capacity to 230 Activating the Citizen learn and that institutions can be established that aid in that endeavour without ‘leading’ citizens to a particular outcome. Conclusion Political participation can be defined by adversarial activities that place a premium on individual interest aggregation. Much of political science is devoted to examining these activities. Another older form of partici- pation stresses the importance of talk that is framed around consensus. According to this view, citizens talking to citizens about politics is the essence of democracy. This chapter has explored three case studies of this form of democratic participation. The creation of a civic space where equality, fairness, and an open mind are the goals is the hallmark of this kind of Participatory Democracy. CAs are an excellent – and far too rare – example of this type of robust par- ticipation. They are unique because they represent a transformation of citizens into citizen-experts through an in-depth educational programme and remind us about the capacity of citizens to make sound policy. Their democratic procedures and transparency provide a rare instance of par- ticipatory democracy that is not grounded in adversarial relationships but shared values.

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