Psychology
Intelligence
Intelligence refers to the ability to learn, understand, and apply knowledge to solve problems and adapt to new situations. It encompasses various cognitive abilities such as reasoning, problem-solving, and abstract thinking. In psychology, intelligence is often measured using standardized tests, but there are also multiple theories and perspectives on what constitutes intelligence.
Written by Perlego with AI-assistance
Related key terms
1 of 5
9 Key excerpts on "Intelligence"
No longer available |Learn more- Philip Banyard, Christine Norman, Gayle Dillon, Belinda Winder, Philip Banyard, Christine Norman, Gayle Dillon, Belinda Winder(Authors)
- 2019(Publication Date)
- SAGE Publications Ltd(Publisher)
There are many definitions and we’ve tried to capture the range in the quota- tions about Intelligence below. As you read through them, try to identify similarities and differences between them. It seems to us that there is a fundamental faculty in Intelligence, any alteration or lack of which is of the utmost importance for practical life. This is judgement, otherwise known as common sense, practical sense, initiative, the ability to adapt oneself to cir- cumstance. To judge well, to comprehend well, to reason well, these are the essential ingredients of Intelligence. (Binet & Simon, 1905: 196–197) 544 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES Intelligence is what is measured by Intelligence tests. (Boring, 1923: 36) The important point is not whether what we measure can appropriately be labelled ‘Intelligence’, but whether we have discovered something worth measuring. (Miles, 1957: 159) A global concept that involves an individual’s ability to act purposefully, think ratio- nally, and deal effectively with the environment. (Wechsler, 1958: 7) Intelligence is assimilation to the extent that it incorporates all the given data of experience within its framework. … There can be no doubt either that mental life is also accommodation to the environment. Assimilation can never be pure because by incorporating new elements into its earlier schemata the Intelligence constantly mod- ifies the latter in order to adjust them to new elements. (Piaget, 1963: 6–7) Intelligence is the ability to solve problems, or to create products, that are valued within one or more cultural settings. (Gardner, 1993a: x) In a sense we have two brains, two minds – and two different kinds of Intelligence: rational and emotional. How we do in life is determined by both – it is not just IQ, but emotional Intelligence that matters … the abilities called here emotional Intelligence, [which] include self-control, zeal and persistence, and the ability to motivate oneself.
eBook - PDF- Tomas Chamorro-Premuzic(Author)
- 2015(Publication Date)
- BPS Blackwell(Publisher)
148 PERSONALITY AND INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES for selection and recruitment (notably in the United States), and information is a key component of Intelligence as it is linked to knowledge and learned facts (see Cattell’s concept of gc in Section 5.4). Table 5.1 provides several well-known definitions of Intelligence by some of the most salient differential psychologists. Most of these definitions (1 to 11) appeared in a special issue of the Journal of Educational Psychology (1921) dedicated to “Intelligence and its measurement.” 5.2.1 Conceptualizing Intelligence Although the idea that some people are brighter than others predates scientific psychology, it was psychologists who contributed to measuring these differences in a systematic, robust, and unbiased way. The scientific notion of Intelligence derives largely from the use of psychometric instruments to predict future perfor- mance in school, which explains why the concept of Intelligence is closely related to scholastic achievement or the ability to excel academically. For many decades, however, Intelligence was defined operationally rather than conceptually or theo- retically (i.e., in terms of underlying psychological processes). For instance, one of the best-known definitions of Intelligence has simply described it as what intelli- gence tests measure (Boring, 1923). Despite the circularity of this definition, often chosen by critics to accuse Intelligence researchers of dealing with a meaningless construct, Boring also provided a much more descriptive (and empirically based) definition of Intelligence, conceptualizing it as a “general ability” or “form of mental power that develops in the first five years of life to remain relatively stable after that.” Although Intelligence is only an inferred notion – that is, a latent construct – it does refer to observable behavior. The extent to which Intelligence is or is not a meaning- ful concept will therefore depend on empirical data or observable behavior.
eBook - PDFAdaptive Intelligence
Surviving and Thriving in Times of Uncertainty
- Robert J. Sternberg(Author)
- 2021(Publication Date)
- Cambridge University Press(Publisher)
There have been many other definitions of Intelligence over time and place. Alfred Binet and Theodore Simon, turn of the twentieth century French scholars, emphasized judgment, or good sense. 3 They also included in their definition one’s ability to criticize oneself and to learn from one’s mistakes. David Wechsler emphasized the ability to act purposefully, to think rationally, and to adapt to the environment. 4 Howard Gardner has spoken of the need to find, solve, and create problems, and one’s ability to create effective products as required. 5 Linda Gottfredson, who led the group of fifty-two scholars that proposed the definition of Intelligence given above, highlighted the ability to deal with complexity. Attempts by psychologists to define Intelligence go back to the early years of the twentieth century. In 1921, the Journal of Educational Psychology published a symposium, “Intelligence and Its Measurement,” in which the authors, experts on Intelligence, grappled with the question of what intelli- gence is. 6 They came up with diverse definitions. One was that Intelligence is the power of good responses from the point of view of truth or facts (Edward L. Thorndike). A second definition was that Intelligence is the ability to carry out abstract thinking (Lewis M. Terman). A third definition was that Intelligence is the ability to learn and adjust oneself to the environment (S. S. Colvin). There were many more definitions. 28 What Is Intelligence? A Panoply of Views Sixty-five years later, Robert Sternberg and Douglas Detterman asked two dozen experts to define Intelligence. 7 They came up with definitions rather similar to the earlier ones. But in the more recent symposium, there was more emphasis on what sometimes is called “metacognition.” This is one’s understanding and control of one’s cognition (e.g., memory, reason- ing, problem-solving, etc.). One of the most famous definitions of Intelligence is that of Edwin G.
- Oliver Wilhelm, Randall W. Engle, Oliver Wilhelm, Randall W. Engle(Authors)
- 2004(Publication Date)
- SAGE Publications, Inc(Publisher)
That is, most people have their own implicit theories of Intelligence. An understanding of the definition of Intelligence has been shared in the culture long before psychologists entered the scene; after all, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, the word Intelligence has been in the English language since about the 12th century. Importantly, common implicit theories of Intelligence go well beyond the strictly aca-demic focus that has characterized measures of g, even for experts who are questioned about their implicit theories about Intelligence. For example, in 1921, when the editors of the Journal of Educational Psychology asked 14 famous psychologists the question of what is Intelligence, the responses varied but generally embraced two themes: Intelligence involves (a) the capac-ity to learn from experience and (b) the ability to adapt to the surrounding environment. Sixty-five years later (Sternberg & Detterman, 1986), 24 cognitive psychologists with expertise in Intelligence research were asked the same ques-tion. They, too, underscored the importance of learning from experience and adapting to the environment. They also broadened the definition to emphasize the importance of metacognition— people’s understanding and control of their own thinking processes. Contemporary experts also more heavily emphasize the role of culture, pointing out that what is considered intelligent 296 – • – HANDBOOK OF UNDERSTANDING AND MEASURING DIFFERENCES in one culture may be considered unintelligent in another culture (Serpell, 2000). To summa-rize, experts today conceive of Intelligence as the capacity to learn from experience, using metacognitive processes to enhance learning, and the ability to adapt to the surrounding envi-ronment, which may require different adaptations within different social and cultural contexts. This conception of Intelligence is much broader than the narrow definition of Intelligence offered by g theorists.
eBook - PDF- Robert J. Sternberg(Author)
- 2011(Publication Date)
- Harvard University Press(Publisher)
CHAPTER 4 A NEW WAY OF LOOKING AT Intelligence AND SUCCESS The greatest problem facing col-leges and universities today—in their admissions, instruction, and assessment—is that many administrators are locked into an archaic notion of what it means to be intelligent. This dated no-tion has resulted in a tremendous waste of human resources, as well as the miseducation of millions of youngsters. WHAT IS Intelligence? What specifically is involved in intelligent thinking? Two sympo-sia held in 1921 and 1986 tackled this question by trying to as-certain the key features of Intelligence. 1 According to experts gathered at these symposia, the critical elements of Intelligence are the abilities to (1) adapt to meet the demands of the environ-ment, (2) engage in elementary processes of perception and at-tention, (3) use higher-level processes of abstract reasoning, men-tal representation, problem solving, and decision making, (4) learn, and (5) respond effectively to problem situations. But the symposia’s findings are just one exchange in a long and contentious debate over what comprises Intelligence. Some experts, such as Edwin Boring in 1923, have been content to de-fine Intelligence operationally, that is, simply as the Intelligence quotient, or IQ. 2 Originally, IQ was defined as a ratio of one’s mental-age level of performance to one’s chronological-age level of performance, but today IQs are computed simply in terms of how much one differs from the average. An average IQ is 100, and slightly more than two-thirds of IQs fall between 85 and 115. Expert definitions rely on tests such as those originated by Al-fred Binet and Theodore Simon in 1916 to measure judgmental abilities or of David Wechsler in 1939 to measure verbal and per-formance abilities. 3 Earlier tests proposed by Francis Galton in 1883 measured psychophysical abilities (such as sensitivity of hearing or touch).
eBook - PDF- Robert J. Sternberg(Author)
- 2000(Publication Date)
- Cambridge University Press(Publisher)
Intelligence and personality may over- lap in terms of adaptive goals and outcomes. Adap- tive goals are perhaps primarily an attribute of per- sonality, but achievement-related goals appear to relate to Intelligence also. Personality and intelli- gence may interact also as influences on adaptive success. Both may be linked to constructs such as self-esteem, self-efficacy, and coping, though there is a shortage of evidence. Understanding the adap- tive processes involved requires an understanding of how self-regulation is implemented by the cognitive architecture through selecting and executing strate- gies. Research should aim to specify the executive and coping routines involved in both adaptive and information-processing terms. Such research is in its initial stages, but some progress has been made in re- lating the performance consequences of anxiety and depression to choice and implementation of coping strategies. The Longer View: A Cognitive-Adaptive Framework The previous section showed how explaining the effects of anxiety on intellectual function within ex- perimental settings requires analysis of both the in- formation-processing routines involved and their adaptive significance. Matthews (1997d, in press) Intelligence AND PERSONALITY 6 0 1 has developed a more general cognitive-adap- tive framework that integrates the different lev- els of explanation over longer time periods. In part, individual differences reflect the relatively stable influences of genes and early learning, feeding forward into neural systems controlling nonspecific arousal (biological level of expla- nation) and into information-processing func- tions (cognitive architecture level). This tool kit of elementary functions provides the basis for subsequent skill acquisition: real-world adap- tation depends on somewhat context-bound skills (remembering conversations) rather than on basic functions (short-term memory).
eBook - PDFIntelligence
A Brief History
- Anna T. Cianciolo, Robert J. Sternberg(Authors)
- 2008(Publication Date)
- Wiley-Blackwell(Publisher)
Of course, psychologists use Intelligence tests to conduct their research. People of nearly any age, from infants to senior citizens, may undergo a test of Intelligence. Most Intelligence tests are similar in many ways to tests of academic accomplishment, such as the SAT, and they are often mistaken for one another. This is in part because the two types of test—Intelligence test and achievement test — commonly feature time limits and multiple-choice questions. Moreover, scores from both types of test are thought to reveal important information about a person’s mental capability. Finally, both Intelligence tests and achievement tests draw, to differing extents, on know-ledge acquired in school and sometimes outside it. A key differ-ence between tests of achievement and tests of Intelligence, however, is that achievement tests are designed to measure the effects of a systematic program of instruction or training, whereas Intelligence tests are designed to measure what a person can do intellectually without the benefit of specific training or education. Realistically speaking, all tests of mental ability—whether they are Intelligence tests or achievement tests—measure both intel-lectual aptitude and the outcomes of learning. Mental tests fall on a continuum of how specific each test is to particular learning experiences (see figure 2.1). At the most specific, or achievement end of the spectrum, one might find, for example, the final exam Intelligence test Achievement test Art History final exam reaction time or inspection time SAT “IQ test ,, tests of abstract reasoning Measures the effects of a systematic program of instruction or training Measures what a person can do intellectually without the benefit of specific training or education Figure 2.1 Continuum of Mental Tests Intelligence: A BRIEF HISTORY 31
eBook - PDFState and Trait
State and Trait
- A. R. Smith, D. M. Jones(Authors)
- 2013(Publication Date)
- Academic Press(Publisher)
In particular, the relationship between putatively knowledge-free information processing measures, such as inspection time, and individual differences in psychometric Intelligence is focused upon. P S Y C H O M E T R I C S O F Intelligence Psychometric theories of Intelligence are notoriously contradictory. They range from the earliest suggestion of Spearman (1904) that Intelligence tests primarily measure a unitary factor, g, through Thurstone's (1938) proposal that there are eight primary mental abilities (verbal, spatial, number and so forth), to Guilford's (1966) contention that there are at least 120 independent abilities. The fact that such contradictory theories have co-existed for much of the century is not so surprising: theoretical conflict can be a healthy sign in a developing science. It is not, then, the conflicting theories per se that have damned psychometrics in the eyes of many non-psychometrists so much as the fact that the conflict shows no sign of resolution. As a result, psychometric theories are often regarded as sterile. This state of affairs is especially surprising when we consider that this sterility exists despite the fact that Intelligence tests provide an unequivocal database with a reliability and applicability that is unsurpassed in the rest of psychological science. Modern Intelligence tests go through rigorous procedures of item selection; they are subjected to tests of reliability and validity, and they are published with precise norming and standardization data. As a result, we know precisely Intelligence 3 what pattern of results to expect when the test is administered to different populations and we can make well-defined comparisons between individuals on the basis of these results.
eBook - PDF- John Cavanaugh, Fredda Blanchard-Fields(Authors)
- 2018(Publication Date)
- Cengage Learning EMEA(Publisher)
Due to electronic rights, some third party content may be suppressed from the eBook and/or eChapter(s). Editorial review has deemed that any suppressed content does not materially affect the overall learning experience. Cengage Learning reserves the right to remove additional content at any time if subsequent rights restrictions require it. 7.2 Developmental Trends in Psychometric Intelligence 197 How Do We Know? Think Fast, Feel Fine, Live Long W ho was the investigator and what was the aim of the study? Much research shows a relation between cognitive ability and the risk of dying. However, this con- nection is complicated because differences in cognitive ability and the risk of dying are both related to various physiological conditions, functional ability, psychologi- cal factors, and social support. To begin to unravel these complex relations, Stephen Aichele, Patrick Rabbitt, and Paolo Ghisletta (2016) examined a large set of health, well-being, and cognitive variables over a long period of time. How did the investigator measure the topic of interest? Five areas of cognitive abilities were assessed: fluid intel- ligence (logic, arithmetic, number series, and verbal and visual object comparisons), crystallized Intelligence (two vocabulary tests), verbal memory (free recall, cumulative recall, and delayed recall), visuospatial memory (picture recognition, memory for objects, and recall of shapes and their locations), and processing speed (visual search, alphabet coding, and semantic reasoning). Participants gave subjective ratings of their general health status, the number of prescribed medications they took daily, sleep patterns, number of hobbies, hours per month in which they engaged in 14 different activities (e.g., housework, driving, exercise), degree of difficulty encountered in 12 different daily life activities (e.g., climbing stairs, cook- ing), and number of weekly social interactions.
Index pages curate the most relevant extracts from our library of academic textbooks. They’ve been created using an in-house natural language model (NLM), each adding context and meaning to key research topics.
