ABSTRACT
Nadeem Aslamâs The Wasted Vigil (2008) and The Blind Manâs Garden (2013) tell the story of 9/11 and the subsequent US invasion of Afghanistan from the perspective of people living in Afghanistan and the nearby border regions of Pakistan. Aslam, a British writer born in Pakistan, constructs a vital critical perspective reflecting his position as a human being living between two cultures. Like his audience, he is already familiar with the dominant Anglo-American narrative of 9/11, which includes the celebrated novels of Don DeLillo, Claire Messud and Jay McInerney as well as the often-rehearsed arguments of George W. Bush and Tony Blair. Aslam rewrites that familiar account, transforming a transparent, ahistorical and even cinematic narrative into an episode in a complex religious, cultural and political history whose opacity he constantly evokes. He evokes the difficulties of interpretation, areas of mutual ignorance and distortions of propaganda and mass-produced popular culture that fill up the empty space where Samuel P. Huntington sees two civilisations clashing. Where Huntington sees two, however, Aslam sees many which, throughout a long history, have not only battled, but also nurtured, each other; as Ădouard Glissant put it, people and cultures âcan coexist and converge, weaving fabricsâ.
Opacity and the 9/11 novel
Nadeem Aslamâs The Wasted Vigil (2008) and The Blind Manâs Garden (2013) tell the story of 9/11 and the subsequent US invasion of Afghanistan from the perspective of people living along the AfghanâPakistani border. Aslam, a British writer born in Pakistan, constructs a vital critical perspective reflecting his position as a human being living between two cultures. Like his audience, he knows the dominant Anglo-American narrative of 9/11, which includes the celebrated novels of Don DeLillo, Claire Messud and Jay McInerney as well as the often-rehearsed arguments of George W. Bush and Tony Blair. Aslam rewrites that familiar account, transforming a transparent, ahistorical and even cinematic narrative into an episode in a complex religious, cultural and political history whose opacity he constantly evokes. He evokes the difficulties of interpretation, areas of mutual ignorance and distortions of propaganda and mass-produced popular culture that fill up the empty space where Samuel P. Huntington sees civilisations clashing. Where Huntington sees two, however, Aslam sees many civilisations that have long battled, but also nurtured, each other; as Ădouard Glissant put it, people and cultures âcan coexist and converge, weaving fabricsâ (1997: 190).
A novelist and postcolonial theorist from another part of the world, Ădouard Glissant (1928â2011) illuminates Aslam. Born in Martinique, Glissant studied philosophy at the Sorbonne and participated in the French anti-colonial movement; he returned to Martinique in 1965, later dividing his time between Paris and the US, where he taught at Louisiana State and the City University of New York. Two key terms for Glissant were âopacityâ and ârelationâ. Sharing Edward Saidâs distrust of the affiliations between knowledge and power, Glissant suspected that the Western enthusiasm for transparency, for discerning universal values and creating lingua francas, conceals a desire for mastery. Freedom, however, requires âa relation of equality with and respect for others as different from oneselfâ (Britton, 1999: 11, emphasis in original). Yet the impossibility of articulating universal values never justifies isolation: âparticularity is valuable only as long as it is outward-looking and related to other cultures and other valuesâ (11).
Discarding the idea that the world is âsomething obvious and transparentâ (Glissant, 1997: 85) allows us to acknowledge our own limitations as we better attend to others. For Glissant, poets and mathematicians develop âan axiom with the understanding that it is illuminating because it is fragile and inescapable, obscure and revealing ⌠and ⌠will be transcendedâ (85). To accept the provisional frees us âto plunge into the opacities of that part of the worldâ we see and find âthe really livable worldâ that âthe fantasy of dominationâ blocks (20, 28). Respecting opacity implies finding complexity and diversity in distant cultures; we see that âevery Other is a citizen and no longer a barbarianâ (190).
Before turning to The Wasted Vigil and The Blind Manâs Garden, we should outline the limitations of the American 9/11 novels they implicitly criticise. Written by New Yorkers who lived through the attacks, Don DeLilloâs Falling Man (2007) and Claire Messudâs The Emperorâs Children (2006), for example, portray the dayâs undeniable shock and its effects on survivors. DeLillo and Messud did not identify politically with the Bush administration, and doubtless did not mean their books to further neo-imperialism or seem complicit in the âfantasy of [American] exceptionalismâ (Duvall and Marzec, 2015: 6). They did not see their focus on psychologies and personal relationships as erasing âworldly affiliationsâ and âeven the public sphereâ (6) or reducing a public event to âa stage in a sentimental educationâ (Gray, 2011: 134). Even so, some critics argue that these novelists reinforce the Bush administrationâs ideology, and popular media coverage of the âWar on Terrorâ, by discounting history.
In the patriotic narrative, evil men who hated democracy and civilisation attacked America âout of the blueâ. In Judith Butlerâs words, this version asserts that 9/11 has no ârelevant pre-historyâ (2004: 6) but is, as Kamila Shamsie argues, the âGround Zero of historyâ (2012: 158). Apocalyptic destruction had cost America its innocence; history changed forever. The notion that 9/11 remade the world bolstered arguments for unprecedented or extreme measures: curtailing civil liberties at home and accepting torture, extraordinary rendition and black sites elsewhere.
The Wasted Vigil
Although this American patriotic myth ignores Islamic realities, Aslam redirects our attention eastward simply by setting The Wasted Vigil in Afghanistan. The novel begins in October 2001 at Marcus Caldwellâs house, which evokes an idyllic image of classical Islamic civilisation even as it shakes when US bombs fall on nearby Tora Bora. Decorated in the style of Bihzad, the fifteenth-century Persian miniaturist, the house has five rooms, each dedicated to one of the senses; local legend claims it could teach djinn how to become human. Religious literalists interpret the Koran as forbidding all representations of nature and find the classical identification of humanity with sensual gratification repellent. Since jihadis and Talibani alike threaten the house, Marcus covers his walls with mud to conceal their paintings. The house also embodies another instance of cultural repression: Marcusâs wife, Qatrina, nailed to its ceilings an extensive collection of banned books, Islamic and Western, âto put them out of harmâs reachâ (Aslam, 2009: 9). These concealed treasures make the house a provisional marvel.
This threatened house, still standing at the end, like the Statue of Liberty in contemporary American life, reminds us of the civilisationâs possibilities if it could keep at bay the fanatics within its borders and the barbarians without. However, while the Ladyâs lifted torch evokes another American image, the city set on a hill, Marcus Caldwellâs house, like Afghanistan, is a crossroads. Although rapes, murders and bombings occur at its gates, the house also shelters visitors and family who briefly experience that âreally livable lifeâ to which Glissant alludes. The characters who meet there represent the warring factions in Afghanistan: David Town, a CIA agent; Casa, an orphan jihadi raised in madrassas; Lara, a Russian art historian who is searching for traces of her dead brother Benedikt; and Dunia, a heroic schoolteacher killed by her neighbours. That these characters remain unaware of their links to each other, that Laraâs brother for example was Zameenâs rapist, is only one more example of the opacity of history.
Marcus Caldwell is the novelâs secular hero, perhaps a saint for those who value equitable relationships. Son of a British doctor murdered by Afghan tribesmen in 1934 and a nurse who worked there until 1939, he met Qatrina in Afghanistan. She studied medicine in London; he converted to Islam when they married; their daughter, Zameen, was later born in Afghanistan. Kidnapped by a warlord, Gul Rasool, Qatrina later rejoined Marcus but the Talibanâs insistence that she amputate his hand drove her mad. Qatrina was a painter and Marcusâs crime was retrieving some of her stolen paintings; later the Taliban, deeming their marriage invalid, stoned Qatrina to death.
Desperate searches define Marcusâs life. He searches for his kidnapped wife, and then for Zameen, held by local communists, then by Russian soldiers, and finally by jihadis, but she dies in captivity. David Town, once Zameenâs lover, tells Marcus about her son, Bihzad, born after a Russian raped her. Marcus is still searching for his grandson at the end, although the reader knows that he died with David Town in a suicide bombing. This is heroic madness, as a passage near the novelâs end suggests in recalling Marcusâs search for Qatrina. After reading a passage about Lichas discovering the bones of Orestes in âthe workshop of an ironsmithâ, Marcus, âin the madness of his mad heart ⌠had wandered out ⌠looking for ⌠a place where iron was forgedâ (296). By this point, Marcusâs conflation of his own search with that of an ancient Greek swallowed up in tribal war seems just.
Restoring history
Aslamâs most basic move is a historical one: restoring and making relevant that âprehistory of 9/11â to which Butler points. We recognise some of its figures: Alexander, Tamerlane and Genghis Khan invaded Afghanistan long before Russians and Americans. Though violence inevitably followed, the text notes constructive links: before Buddhism came to Afghanistan, the Buddha, having no human face, was represented in symbols â âa parasol, a throne, a footprintâ (168). The calm countenance we associate with him emerged in Afghanistan, where Apolloâs face became a Greek legacy to Buddhism (168). As Glissant would say, two cultures that converged and coexisted wove its serene beauty. In the novel, Buddha often represents Afghanistanâs pre-Islamic history. Marcus tells Casa about the rhinoceros horn sutra discovered near Jalalabad in the 1990s; written on birch bark two thousand years earlier, it is âmuch olderâ than Islam (208). Closest to home is a giant Buddha concealed in a former perfume factory behind Marcusâs house; Chinese pilgrims prayed there between the second to the seventh centuries (17).
Aslam introduces historical facts through dialogue and more conventional exposition, but his most characteristic historical insight is a fait divers, introduced without transition and bearing at most an ironic relation to the immediate context. Following no discernable chronology or narrative logic, he tells us that the Silk Road ran through the region where the novel is set; Cleopatra and Michelangelo prized lapis lazuli mined in Afghanistan (14); in 288 BC, Greeks offered Kashmiri putchuk to Apollo (172); Ziryab of Andalusia added the fifth string to the lute (230); in 1504, Emperor Babur saw thousands of flamingos in Afghanistan (249). Such details respect Western readersâ implicit desire to learn while reminding them of their ignorance. Accustomed to a public narrative in which the World Trade Center attacks and the Talibanâs sheltering of Osama bin Laden are the only relevant facts, this text reminds us of how much more remains hidden.
Wasted Vigil also provides a more conventional pre-history of 9/11 and the USâs role in the region. Through Lara, Aslam draws attention to the SovietâUS proxy war in Afghanistan. The Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in September 1979, installing a communist government. Although the US was not officially at war, the CIA worked closely with Pakistani intelligence in support of the rebels, or mujahidin. Throughout the eighties, as nearly two million Afghanis died, the CIA and the rich Arab monarchies trained and armed militants who were ideologically indistinguishable, to Westerners at least, from their Al-Qaeda counterparts, Americaâs most deadly enemy after 9/11. Peshawar, once the âsecond home of Buddhismâ, became the âspy capital of the worldâ after the Soviet invasion (111). David Town settles there, and although some of his CIA activities, such as financing schools, are benign, others endanger local people. When a bicycle bombs goes off years later, David recalls teaching âthe rebels how to rig these up, to kill Soviet soldiersâ (132). David, as we know, fell in love with Zameen, and a series of deceptions that link his CIA role to their affair define his personal life. When he learns of a Soviet plan to bomb a refugee camp where a former lover of Zameen lives, David fails to warn him. Similarly, the CIA invited photographers to witness it so their footage could become anti-Soviet propaganda (118).
The Bush administration was understandably reluctant to remind citizens of how much money America had spent on the militants it now opposed. Aslam underscores the jihadisâ skill in repurposing American weapons to kills their donors. A âgraduate of ⌠training camps set up in Afghanistan to fight the Sovietsâ planned the 1993 first World Trade Center bombing (146). Al-Qaeda sells unexploded Tomahawks to China âfor millions of dollarsâ (90). In 1986, the US gives a thousand Stinger missiles to Pakistan to be passed on to Afghan guerrillas, but in October 1987, one ânarrowly missed a United States helicopter in the Persian Gulfâ (157). When three days later, two Afghanis are arrested in Pakistan for offering Stingers to Iranians for a million dollars each, the US threatens to audit weapons it supplied to Pakistan. To conceal its âalleged corruptionâ, the military intelligence agency ISI set fire to the warehouse storing them, âkilling an estimated thousand peopleâ nearby (157).
Few Americans understand the troubled and shifting relationship between Pakistani citizens, especially on the border, and the various Pakistani governments allied with the US. The Pakistani Armyâs profiteering from American weapons epitomises the relationship between the countries after 1979. Despite great power, the US cannot act in the Muslim world without local allies permitting operations inside their borders. To illustrate, Aslam places David Town at an embassy siege in Islamabad in November 1979. Students inspired by events in Tehran mob the building, setting it aflame, and then gather on the roof to prise open a hatch door leading to a third-floor vault where the Americans huddle. For five hours, the US Ambassador and CIA station chief plead with Pakistani officials to send troops to rescue the trapped Americans, but only a few appear. Later that evening, to the amazement of the trapped US citizens, President Carter telephones his thanks to General Zia; soon new CIA facilities in Pakistan replace the ones lost in Iran. Necessity made Zia, however corrupt, an essential ally.
The Islamabad siege points to frequent tensions between Pakistanis and their government. Zia took the American side against Iran, but many of his compatriots sympathised with hardliners like the Taliban or even the Shia Ayatollah, and sometimes had their own way. In Aslamâs telling, the âWar on Terrorâ perpetuates this dysfunctional alliance, keeping the Pakistani government in a virtual state of war with its own citizens along the border. Frustrated rebels complain, âwe are the worldâs seventh nuclear power ⌠yet our government does the bidding of the Americansâ (Aslam, 2014: 151).
When Pakistani military help the US search for Al-Qaeda fighters hiding near the border, a former ISI agent who âfeels nothing but revulsion at the Army and ISI for abandoning Afghanistanâ (28) is their bitterest enemy. The US government failed to understand this divide, asking âthe Pakistani government to control the spread of ⌠militant Islam within its borders â as though you can treat the government of a country as a friend but its people as an enemyâ (Aslam, 2009: 209). Even when American requests are heeded, their strictures backfire; jihadist tracts are widely available in Afghanistan because âat the behest of the Americans â the Pakistani government had recently banned such inspirational literatureâ (275).
Aslam also insists on the regional importance of warlords with disputes unrelated to American ideological battles. He insists that US wars require tolerating not only local government corruption, but also organised crime. In the Golden Triangle, as âin the Afghanistan of the 1980sâ, the CIA ignored their alliesâ drug trafficking (123). Aslam emphasises Americaâs propensity for forming unstable ...