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The Tragic Sense of Filipino History
Peter Bacho
The sorrow and downright tragedy of Filipino history have long been the main components of the engine that drives Filipino literature. As we approach any number of centennials (1896âthe start of the war against Spain and Jose Rizalâs execution; 1897âthe signing of the short-lived Pact of Biak na Bato; 1898âthe arrival of the Americans; 1899âthe start of the American war against Filipinos), it is appropriate to understand that the bloody crushing of dreams at the turn of the century was simply a harbinger of worse hardships to come. Some of these were triggered by foreigners, such as the devastation caused by the Japanese occupation. Others, however, had domestic origins: the Huk Rebellion, the Marcos era, the twin insurrections led by the Marxist New Peopleâs Army and Muslim secessionists.
For many Filipinos, the major good to emerge from this litany of instability and war was the enduring link to the United States. For most of that colonial period, it meant a chance to escape to America. Left behind was the Philippinesâ rural poverty, a condition that would only worsen as landlords distanced themselves from their tenants andâoperating within the lucrative context of the tariff-free American marketâbegan to pay more attention to increased profits. Yet even here, among the fabled âManong generationâ there is a particular sadness to their stories.
In the 1920s and 1930s, they arrived in the United States full of hope. They were, after all, American nationals and products of a Thomasite school system1 that preached only the best of American ideals. America, young Filipinos believed, was a meritocracy, a social ideal that the Philippinesâwith its emphasis on inherited wealth and European bloodâwas most assuredly not. Somewhereâwhether in an asparagus field in Stockton, a hotplate room in Seattle, or a cannery in Alaskaâa part of that ideal died. Restricted by race, these men were forced into a life of migrant labor, doing menial jobs most white workers would never touch. Keep moving, they were told in one hostile West Coast town after another. And so they did, living a life of constant motion; on the West Coast, they ranged from Californiaâs Imperial Valley to the northernmost Alaskan cannery, and to all points in between.
In the literature gleaned from Filipino authors in the Philippines and in America, the shadow of Sisyphus, the Greek king condemned by the gods to everlasting failure, looms exceedingly large. He is embodied in Crisostomo Ibarra, a mestizo idealist who seeks a modest reformâthe establishment of a Spanish academyâin his homeland, the Philippines.
Yet even that advance proves too much for the friars, the true powers who govern the archipelago on behalf of Spain. The political and economic power of the friars, medieval in its scope and authority, is built on the passivity and blind obedience of the Filipino masses. Any reform, ranging from Philippine representation in the Cortes to trimming of the extent of the friarsâ secular powers, is quickly crushed by religious authorities. Even as modest a reform as the teaching of Spanish smacks of âprogressâ and merits condemnation by the friars and worse. Such is the case in Jose Rizalâs first great propaganda novel, Noli Me Tangere (1887/1961), in which forces led by the friars appear to have killed the luckless Ibarra by the novelâs end.
Of course, Rizal is not finished with his protagonist; his pedagogical value has not been exhausted. Ibarra does not die; rather, as in any good melodrama, he returns a number of years later, as the jaded, wealthy, and mysterious Simoun, to haunt his old foes in Rizalâs sequel, El Filibusterismo (1891/1965). Simounâs purpose is simple: to provoke Filipinos to rise against Spain. He fails and, in his final confession to Father Florentino, a Filipino priest, Rizal, through Florentino, speaks out against violence (revolution) as a means of promoting a social good.
By this time, of course, Florentino/Rizalâs protest against violence is a bit too late. Indelibly etched in the minds of the bookâs Filipino audience is an encyclopedia of legitimate Filipino grievances and Spanish cruelties. In Noli, one example of the latter is the execution of Tar silo, a captured rebel, who is lowered head first into the town well. The prospect is so horrific that Tarsilo pleads, not for life, but for a quicker death: âIf youâre Christians, if you have hearts ⌠lower me fast or hit my head against the wall and kill me. God will reward you for this good deed. Think, maybe some day you will find yourselves where I amâ (p. 358).
Surely, among Rizalâs audience, Tarsiloâs admonitionâthat others might someday find themselves sharing his fateâmust have struck a resonant chord, leading some to an inevitable conclusion: that reform was insufficient. Those who held this view gathered within the ranks of the Katipunan, a secret organization under the leadership of Andres Bonifacio. Their goal was revolution, which erupted against Spain in 1896.
The Spaniards blamed Rizal for the revolt and executed him that same year. Rizal, up to his death, protested his innocence, claiming that his intent was reform, not rebellion, and, to a degree, he was correct. To a larger degree, however, the logical product of Rizalâs works was revolution. What his writing unleashed, aside from revulsion at Spanish injustice, was a growing sense that the Philippinesâ myriad cultural and linguistic groups, despite a history of competition and even violence, had a common bond, and that collectively they stood separate from their Spanish overseers. The former is best summarized in a scene from F. Sionil Joseâs great novel Po-on (1984).
In that scene, Istak, the protagonist, has been assigned the task of delivering a letter to General Gregorio del Pilar, leader of the rear guard of the retreating Presidente of the infant republic, Emilio Aguinaldo. Fast on the entourageâs heels are American forces, who intend to succeed the Spaniards as colonial masters of the Philippines. By agreeing to this task, Istak makes an existential choice and accepts the consequence (his death). He declines safety and the welfare of his family in favor of a call to a larger loyalty, Filipinas, a nation in concept if not in fact. As Istak mounts his horse, his nationalist patron, Don Jacinto, declares that by doing this task, Istak is âno longer Ilocano [i.e., with loyalty to the Ilocos region of the Philippines and its people specifically], [he is] Filipinoâ (p. 162). This leap in loyaltyâfrom the specific and narrow to the generalâis one that many Filipinos have tried and are still trying to make. In the classic Filipino American work America Is in the Heart, Carlos Bulosan (1973) noted that a âtribalâ orientation had âobstructed all efforts toward Filipino unity in Americaâ (p. 98).
Nonetheless, Bulosan, as the narrator of the Manong generationâs story, confronts not just the frustrating problems of internal disunity but also a society openly hostile to Filipinos. Bulosan and his Filipino American colleagues accepted the challenge; they chose to struggle against entrenched economic and violently racist forces in the America of the 1930s. In the process, that generation manages to participate effectively in a powerful movement of organized labor: Filipinos were the main force behind the creation of the United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing and Allied Workers of America, a union affiliated with the militant Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO). By responding in this fashion, these young Filipino Americans hoped to create nothing less than a new America, or to revise the old one to the point that it would resemble the gossamer Thomasite vision of a meritocratic society, one still held âin the heart.â
Although Ibarra/Simoun, Istak, and Bulosan as narrator all exist in separate literary contexts, a number of themes are common. Each text is the writerâs interpretation of historic conditions; such conditions are dismal (colonial oppression, war, racism, class consciousness) and inevitably force the main character to choose whether or not to act; the choice of action carries with it no guarantee of success. For writers such as Rizal, Jose, and, later, Ninotchka Rosea (State of War; 1988) and Jessica Hagedorn (Dogeaters; 1990), this entails identification of the enemyâwhether foreign or nativeâfollowed by action against that enemy. Although not quite so dramatic, Bulosan identified the foe of all workers (including Filipinos) as fascism. The Filipino American response was militant labor organizing.
In that sense, the inclusion of Filipino literatureâwhether Philippine or Filipino Americanâin the occasional Asian American literature class is, at best, a very ill fit. The focus of Japanese and Chinese American literature is different, whether it is Maxine Kingstonâs or Amy Tanâs exploration of relations between immigrant mothers and citizen daughters, Frank Chinâs outrage at the theft of Chinese American history, or John Okadaâs depiction of a communityâs attempts to heal divisions caused by the Japanese American internment. These are, by the nature of their topics, quieter, more introspective stories that at the very least hold out hope of resolution.
In contrast, such hope is often missing from the fiction of Filipino writers. Given the penchant of many Filipino writers to use in their works substantial doses of Philippine and Filipino American reality, it is hardly any wonder that success is such an elusive goal. Instead, such writers tend to celebrate the protagonistâs decision to act as we readers applaud the choice while bracing ourselves for the inevitable disappointment or demise. Even in a work as wonderfully understated as Bienvenido Santosâs collection Scent of Apples (1979), a melancholy mood pervades many of the stories. Who, for example, can forget Santosâs description of his reaction to the devastation of post-war Manila, as seen by the narrator from a ship returning from America:
How indeed ⌠rebuild the other ruins? Could old men do it by dying in a land they had decided to call their own? Or was it done by scattering toys all over the land, rattlers and kiddie cars, balloons and electric trains, guns, grimacing clowns and dolls with upswept lashes, that childhood might start with laughter and kindness? Or would it help if the dumb were made to speak at least and the deaf hear and understand? Or would songs do it; wisdom, perhaps? Or, maybe prayer? There is a way, but it could not be the way of trembling hands with so many things to hide, nor could it be the way of that woman, holding a fatherless child in her arm, dragging a duffle bag by her side, now walking slowly toward the ruins of the city. (p. 107)
The most cohesive group of Santosâs stories focuses on Filipino students living in Washington, D.C., during World War II. Unlike Bulosanâs characters, many of these Filipinos come from the Philippine elite. Also, unlike many of their impoverished countrymen on the West Coast, they are purely sojourners: They have something to return to.
The students are temporarily in the United States for the sole purpose of achieving a prestigious American degree, after which they are expected to return and help run the various family enterprises. Ironically, separated from their familiesâ wealth by enemy occupation and by distance, they are forced to sample a bit, but not all, of the desperation endured by West Coast Filipinos. For example, although both Bulosan and Santos write about Filipinos in America during roughly the same period of time, American racism is a dominant theme in Bulosanâs work; that element is missing from Santosâs depictions.
Ironically as well, the âsaviorâ of Santosâs privileged characters comes in the humble form of Ambo, a working-class old-timer similar to those characters found in Bulosan. Amboâs tireless efforts prompt one elite beneficiary to utter the following:
The boys look up to him. I have heard ⌠he had a whole household of Filipinos, feeding on everything he could give them, and he was tireless. Now those whom he saw through those years will fight for him, will die for him. He is well loved by the Filipino community, (p. 51)
Still, Amboâs integrity and his unqualified kindness are not enough; they are several rungs short of bridging the socioeconomic gap and prompt the same beneficiary to add a caveat: âIf he [Ambo] had only been educated, he would have been an articulate leader of our countrymen in this countryâ (p. 51).
This disdainful view of Ambo, expressed in the United States but having Philippine roots, explains Bulosanâs class consciousness and his hostility toward the Philippinesâ elite. The Philippine-centered works of later writers such as Jose, Rosea, and Hagedorn continuously examine the problem of class division and extreme turmoil prompted, in large part, by the insular arrogance of the elite.
For Santosâs wealthy sojourners, the question arises: Is their professed affection for Ambo in any way genuine, or more a matter of need? In his collection, Santos provides the answer in âLetter: The Faraway Summer.â Ambo returns to the Philippines, but the wartime devastation has forced him to reconsider his move. He wants to come back to the United States and hopes that one of his âboysââSteve, now a successful Manila doctorâcan pull the right strings at the U.S. Embassy. He visits Steveâs office; Steve is embarrassed by his presence and treats Ambo like âa strangerâ (p. 112). Ambo then inadvertently overhears Steveâs telephone conversation with (presumably) his wife or lover and recounts it in a letter to a stateside friend: âDarling, I should have called earlier, but I just got rid of a visitor.⌠No, no, it wasnât a girl ⌠a man, a Pinoy. ⌠I said Pinoy just one of those Pinoys I had met in the Statesâ (p. 112).
Here, the term Pinoy needs some explanation. As used by Steve, Pinoy is a pejorative. If so, it is one that has been proudly worn by thousands. As I recall from my Pinoy childhood, the term had class (poor, working), geographic (American), and attitudinal (aggressive) connotations. Thus, it was applied to the Manong generation and to their American-born offspring. It most surely does not apply to Steve or to others of his status. But it does apply to the proletarian Ambo, and it is he that the Tondo-born Santos celebrates, not the shallowness of Steve or the other high-born âboys.â It is a criticism of the elite that Bulosan, Santosâs blunter contemporary, would have warmly endorsed.
What future directions, then, for Filipino literature? In the Philippines, the wars against the Americans and the Japanese are, respectively, almost a century and more than half a century old. In recent years, the most obvious problem, the dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos, has been removed, and democracy has been restored. Still, endemic corruption, the gap between wealthy and poor, and ongoing insurrections remain both as severe national problems and as grist for writers/social critics. Undoubtedly, the tradition of using fiction as social/political/historical commentary will continue. However, there is also evidence that other themes may assume prominence. Even F. Sionil Jose departed somewhat from his position as writer/rebel in his recent novel Viajero (1993). Here, the focus is on Buddy, a Filipino orphan adopted by an African American officer serving in the Philippines during World War II. Although the protagonist finds himself returning to familiar groundâthe unstable Philippinesâthe ...