Revelation

The Apocalypse of Jesus Christ

Judith Kovacs, Christopher Rowland

• Publisher: Wiley-Blackwell
• Year: 2013
• Print ISBN: 9780631232155, 9780631232148
• eBook ISBN: 9781118714065
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Teologia e religione

This ground-breaking commentary on The Revelation to John (the Apocalypse) reveals its far-reaching influence on society and culture, and its impact on the church through the ages.

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• Explores the far-reaching influence of the Apocalypse on society and culture.
  
• Shows the book's impact on the Christian church through the ages.
  
• Looks at interpretations of the Apocalypse by theologians, ranging from Augustine to late twentieth century liberation theologians.
  
• Considers the book's effects on writers, artists, musicians, political figures, visionaries, and others, including Dante, Hildegard of Bingen, Milton, Newton, the English Civil war radicals, Turner, Blake, Handel, and Franz Schmidt.
  
• Provides access to material not readily available elsewhere.
  
• Will appeal to students and scholars across a wide range of disciplines, as well as to general readers.

More information about this series is available from the Blackwell Bible Commentaries website at http://www.bbibcomm.net/

Revelation 1
Ancient Literary Context

John’s vision begins with the words ‘Apocalypse (revelation) of Jesus Christ’, indicating the origin and authority of what follows. It is the only time the term ‘revelation’ is used in the book, which is characterized either directly or indirectly as prophecy (22:18). The use of ‘revelation/reveal’ links this apocalypse with a range of texts written in the last centuries bce and in late first century ce (the closest contemporary parallel is 2 Esdras (4 Ezra) 3–14). The description of John’s vision as an ‘apocalypse’ (1:1) is distinctive as compared with the ancient Jewish texts that resemble it. Texts like 1 Enoch, 2 Enoch, and the Apocalypse of Abraham contain accounts of ascents to heaven and revelations concerning the divine mysteries, particularly with regard to the future (Rowland 1982; see above, 2). Links with biblical prophetic texts are obvious throughout (see the excursus for possible biblical allusions). The opening chapter includes a call vision (1:9–20) with affinities to Dan 10 and Ezek 1 and 9, affirming John’s place in that prophetic tradition, though, as the occasional reference in 1:1, 5, 9 indicates, one that is influenced by Jesus Christ. John becomes an intermediary, like Enoch in 1 Enoch 12–15. Indeed, in the later Johannine apocalyptic tradition, e.g. the Third Apocalypse of John (Court 2000: 108), John becomes a key intermediary of heavenly secrets.

The terms ‘revelation/reveal’ (apokalypsis) are used occasionally in literature contemporaneous with Revelation to describe the unveiling of God or divine secrets (M. Smith in Hellholm 1989: 9). For example, in the New Testament apokalypsis/apokalupto is found in Simeon’s song (Luke 2:32; cf. 1 Pet 1:11–12) and in contexts dealing with the eschatological revelation of human secrets (Matt 10:26/Luke 12:2; Luke 2:35), divine secrets (Matt 11:25/Luke 10:21; Matt 16:17) or God (Matt 11:27). It is also central to Paul’s description of his conversion to the way of Jesus Christ (Gal 1:12), and he also used it in reference to a future hope (1 Cor 1:7; cf. 2 Thess 1:7; 1 Pet 1:7; 1:13; 4:13). In Revelation the term ‘apocalypse’ is followed immediately by a reference to the book as prophecy (1:3), suggesting that for John prophecy and apocalypse are closely related (Mazzaferri 1989; cf. Barton 1986). The vision of the ‘one like the Son of Man’ is paralleled in several ancient Jewish texts, all of which are probably inspired by the vision in Dan 10:5–10 (Rowland 1985).

John’s call has its closest parallel in a text (probably Jewish-Christian) which in its original form is roughly contemporary, the Ascension of Isaiah (6:10–12; Knight 1996). John’s experience is linked with the Lord’s day, probably a reference to Sunday rather than the sabbath (cf. 1 Cor 16:2; Acts 20:7; Matt 28:1). This was the day when the Risen Lord had appeared to disciples in the past (Luke 24:13–35; John 20:1–29). Worship as the context for a vision recalls the Temple vision of Isaiah (Isa 6). Worship was often seen as a communion with heaven, in which the earthly saints join with the heavenly hosts in lauding God, as when Isaiah witnesses the song of the seraphim. Patmos has, at least temporarily, become sacred space, hallowed by the vision. The tension between past, present and future, which plays a great role in interpretation of the Apocalypse, may reflect a liturgical sense of time, in which different times seem inextricably mixed. What is expected in the future is experienced in the present celebration of the cult. John tells his readers that his apocalyptic experiences occurred when he was ‘in the spirit’ on ‘the Lord’s day’, when in both heaven and earth the resurrection of Christ is celebrated. Paul also repeatedly designates the parousia of Christ as ‘the day of the Lord’ (1 Thess 5:2; 2 Thess 2:2; 1 Cor 5:5; 2 Cor 1:14; Funk 1969b: 249–68). To celebrate the resurrection of Jesus on the Lord’s day is to experience already the day of the Lord (Flanigan in Emmerson and McGinn 1992: 340–1; cf. Wainwright 1993: 253).

The Interpretations

This opening chapter offers interpretative clues regarding the character of the Apocalypse. According to the eighteenth-century Roman Catholic commentator Robert Witham, there are three ways of expounding its visions:

The Visions are only to be fulfilled in Antichrist’s time, a little before the End of the World …

The visions may be applied to particular Events which happened in the first three of four Ages of the church, under the persecuting Heathens, by Constantine, and the succeeding Christian Emperors…

Finally, ‘by the great city of Babylon, is signified all wicked great Cities in the World, all the multitude of the wicked in all nations, their short and Vain Happiness; their Persecutions and oppressions of the good and faithful Servants of God, who live piously in this world, and who are call’d to be Citizens of the Celestial Jerusalem in the Kingdom of God’ (Annotations, ii.510–11 in Newport 2000: 86)

It is the last of these options which Witham is inclined to accept.

For sixteenth-century writer John Bale, the Apocalypse has supreme value as a key to the nature of the Christian religion: ‘He that knoweth not this book, knoweth not what the church is whereof he is a member’ (Bale 1849: 252). Since all are citizens of either Jerusalem or Babylon (Rev 17:5; ch. 21), the true believer has to learn the nature of the two churches and take a stand with Abel rather than Cain (in Bauckham 1978: 60). Hildegard of Bingen similarly writes: ‘And whoever tastes this prophecy and fixes it in his memory will become the mountain of myrrh [cf. Rev 21:10] and of frankincense, and of all aromatical spices, and the diffusion of many blessings; he will ascend like Abraham from blessing to blessing’ (Hart and Bishop edn 536). Hildegard claims divinely given insight into the meaning of Scripture (‘Scivias Declaration’, Hart and Bishop edn 59), as does the sixteenth-century visionary Ralph Durden, who was given the ‘gift of interpretation’ (in Bauckham 1978: 188–9). Similarly, Joachim of Fiore finds in the Apocalypse the key to the inner meaning of Scripture and the whole history of salvation (in McGinn 1979: 99). The Apocalypse, according to Joachim, was no afterthought, a book to be tolerated but ignored, but rather the culmination of the whole of Scripture. David Koresh agrees: ‘All the books of the Bible meet and end there. This is what we have learned over the years’ (in Newport 2000: 212).

‘what must soon take place … what is, and what is to take place after this’: interpretative clues (1:1, 19)

Victorinus, living at a time when Christians were persecuted (he himself died a martyr), seems to have understood ‘what must soon take place’ (1:1) as a reference to his own time and to have taken the warnings and promises of the Apocalypse as addressed to his own church (Matter in Emmerson and McGinn 1992: 39; ANF vii.344). That sense of immediacy has presented problems for interpreters, nowhere more so than for those like the Millerites who had a detailed apocalyptic timetable for the end of the world and the consummation of scriptural promises. When Christ failed to return in 1843–4 as they had predicted, they searched the Scriptures and concluded that the error was not in the word of the Lord but in their own understanding of it (in Foster in Numbers and Butler 1987: 173–88). Such interpretation of experience through expectations based on authoritative texts has been a feature of prophetic and apocalyptic interpretation down the centuries. Failure of hopes to materialize often, as in this case, does not lead to abandonment of the hope but to questioning of human interpretative capacity and a channelling of eschatological enthusiasm into practical action (Foster in Numbers and Butler 1987).

‘to the seven churches’ (1:4)

The universal character of the vision is often noted. According to Victorinus, the seven stars (1:16) are the seven churches that John addresses (1916: 26.17, ANF vii.344), and together they represent the one church, as Paul also teaches by writing to exactly seven churches (Victorinus 1916: 26. 4–11). In the Geneva Bible likewise, the seven churches mean the church universal. According to Bede, ‘the Apocalypse speaks of the seven churches of Asia which are really the one Church of Christ’ (in Matter in Emmerson and McGinn 1992: 47). The Scofield Reference Bible says the message to the seven churches has a fourfold application: to the churches actually addressed; to all churches in all time (‘so that they may discern their true spiritual state in the sight of God’); as exhortation to individuals; and, as a prophetic disclosure, to the seven phases of the spiritual history of the church (Scofield 1917: 1331–2).

‘I, John, your brother, who share with you in Jesus the persecution… was on the island called Patmos’ (1:9)

The location of John’s vision and the reasons for John being on Patmos have been a matter for discussion, not least because of the long tradition that he was imprisoned there and subsequently released. John’s situation and the nature of his vision are portrayed in the various artistic depictions. The christological significance of the attributes of the ‘one like the Son of Man’ has also received extensive attention, and John’s vision prompted visionaries in succeeding centuries to look to him as their apocalyptic mentor, just as he followed in the footsteps of his visionary predecessors.

Patmos is an island off the west coast of Turkey, and the seven letters are addressed to communities in cities on the mainland. John writes little about himself. He mentions tribulation in 1:9, possibly suggesting persecution (cf. 7:14). Elsewhere this word is used in a general way for upheavals expected in the last days (Rom 8:35; Mark 13:18), so it does not necessarily imply systematic persecution, of which there is little evidence in this particular area in Domitian’s time (L. Thompson 1990). Early Christian tradition had John in Ephesus confronting false teachers (Irenaeus AH ii.22.5). In the Johannine apocalyptic tradition, The Second Apocalypse of John (probably fourth century ce) has a revelation to John set on Mount Tabor, the mount of the Transfiguration, which is in some ways explanatory of eschatological features of the original Apocalypse (in Court 2000: 33). There is, however, a long tradition that John was persecuted; for example, Albrecht Dürer’s sequence depicts an apocryphal story in which John is seated in a cauldron of boiling oil in front of the Roman emperor. According to second-century Christian tradition, after Domitian’s death John returned from exile and lived until the age of Trajan (well into the second century ce; Irenaeus AH ii.22.5; iii.3.4).

Irenaeus dates the text to Domitian’s reign and is the first to propound a view that continues to have wide currency, that the book’s genre was chosen to conceal its real message, for fear of imperial retribution (AH v.30.3). In the middle of the second century Justin appeals to John and his vision to support belief in God’s future reign on earth (Dial. lxxxi.4).

Robert Browning’s poem ‘Death in the Desert’ (1864) explores the relationship among different writings attributed to John in the light of the challenges of higher criticism of the Bible pioneered by Renan and Strauss (Browning had recently read George Eliot’s translation of Strauss’s Das Leben ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Table of Contents
• Series
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Illustrations
• Series Editors’ Preface
• Preface
• Abbreviations
• Introduction
• Revelation 1: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 2 and 3: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 4: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 5: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 6: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 7: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 8: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 9: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 10: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 11: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 12: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 13: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 14: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 15: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 16: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 17: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 18: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 19: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 20: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 21: Ancient Literary Context
• Revelation 22: Ancient Literary Context
• A Hermeneutical Postscript: Evaluating the Readings
• Biographies and Glossary
• Bibliography
• Old Testament References Listed in the Margin of Nestle-Aland 26th Edition of the Greek New Testament Text of Revelation
• Index of Biblical References
• General Index
• End User License Agreement