The War in Texas

Benjamin Lundy

• Publisher: Jazzybee Verlag
• Year: 2018
• eBook ISBN: 9783849652067
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: North American History
• Index: History

Lundy's pamphlet on "The War in Texas" is not only the best account, up to that time, of the Texas conspiracy, but closes with the remarkable prediction of the Southern Confederacy, which established itself twenty-five years later: "Our countrymen, in fighting for the union of Texas with the United States, will be fighting for that which at no distant period will inevitably dissolve the Union. The slave States, having the eligible addition to their land of bondage, will ere long cut asunder the Federal tie, and confederate a new and distinct slavehotding republic, in opposition to the whole free republic of the North. Thus early will be fulfilled the prediction of the old politicians of Europe, that our Union could not remain one century entire; and then also will the maxim be exemplified in our history, that liberty and slavery can not long inhabit the same soil." Lundy died, as he had lived, in the firm belief that American slavery would be abolished before 1900, and he contributed more to that result than many—perhaps than any —of his contemporaries.

Fourth. I am decidedly and anxiously in favor of annexing Texas to the United States. I consider it the “rock of our salvation,” and a consummation of happiness “most devoutly to be wished for.” Should I be chosen a representative to Congress, I shall leave no effort untried to produce this desired object, feeling confident, that all the blessings of peace and tranquillity will thereby be secured, to ourselves and our posterity.

Fifth. When I first read the Constitution, as adopted by the Convention, I was of opinion that some errors had crept into it, and hence was in favor of submitting to the people, whether they would adopt it absolutely, or clothe Congress with powers to amend it.

Subsequent reflection, and the importance of organizing a constitutional government immediately, have satisfied me that it ought to be adopted, as it now stands; believing that in the present unsettled state of the country, less injury will result from its adoption than by making amendments at this time.

Thus, gentlemen, I have answered every question proposed, and if my views are conformable to those of the people of this jurisdiction, and they should think proper to elect me, I shall serve them fearlessly and faithfully.

I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. JACK.

Columbia, 5th August, 1836.

Hear, also, the language of General Houston. The following is from a late number of the Washington Globe.

“GENERAL HOUSTON.—The opinion of General Houston is, that Texas, when it shall have asserted its independence, will seek admission into the Union. He is, himself, decidedly in favor of that course, considering it essential to the interests of the new country, and of much importance to the Union.”

Notwithstanding that Stephen F. Austin (and I may add many other actual settlers in Texas) would have preferred a separate independent Government, we now see that they have no expectation of establishing one. On the contrary, they unequivocally declare the intention of annexing the country to the United States, as soon as it can possibly be done. They could not exercise their will in the matter. The great majority of the fomentors of the rebellion, and the immediate participators in it, ARE CITIZENS OF THIS COUNTRY. Such of the colonists as were opposed to it, however, have been compelled to acquiesce, and the agents of the “Combination” have successfully dictated its prescribed measures, and pursued the course originally contemplated by it.

I will add a few more facts, collected from various sources, to those already enumerated, tending to prove the determination of southern slaveholders to acquire the Texas country, for the purpose of re-establishing Slavery, and annexing the territory to the United States, as aforesaid.

A gentleman of intelligence and veracity residing in Ohio, formerly a member of the Legislature of that State, recently visited the south-western country, and gives the result of his observations upon this particular subject, in a letter to the editor of the National Enquirer, as follows:—

“I have read the pamphlet entitled ‘The Origin and true Causes of the Texas Insurrection’. I was abundantly satisfied on this point before I saw it. No secret is made of it on the Ohio and Mississippi—it is openly avowed, and warmly defended. The colder slave countries feel themselves very deeply interested, and now think of breeding slaves in earnest. Men and money will be liberally furnished. Numerous Kentuckians—young men, ambitious of fame, and seeking fortunes—will even go from Illinois, where they had previously emigrated.”

Another very respectable gentleman, who lately travelled with the Hon. Mr. Peyton, of Tennessee, informs us that this distinguished member of Congress unhesitatingly expressed his determination to use his influence in procuring the annexation of Texas to the United States, in order that a number more slave states may be created and admitted into the Union, to preserve the preponderance of slaveholding influence and power in the government.

The following items, extracted from late newspapers, may very properly be noticed and borne in mind. The “United States Telegraph,” published at Washington City, says:—

“It is stated, on unquestionable authority, that a letter was found among the papers of the late Huchins G. Burton, Ex-Governor of North Carolina, from a person high in authority, stating that Texas would certainly be annexed to the United States,—at the same time offering to make him (Burton) Governor of said Territory. If the statement be true, and we do not doubt it, what a state of things does it disclose!!”

The Telegraph proceeds to argue, that the object of the “person high in authority,” was to obtain the political influence of Governor Burton, in the coming election contest. We have not a shadow of doubt respecting the truth of the statement. We have heard it frequently, and can trace it to unquestionably authentic sources. Some noise has also been made about it, recently, in the newspapers. But the subject is not more connected with politics, than with the long meditated, now operative, attempt to provide for the extension of slavery to that part of the continent.

The “Mobile Advertiser,” of a recent date, holds forth this emphatic language:—

“The South wish to have Texas admitted into the Union for two reasons: First, to equalize the South with the North; and secondly, as a convenient and safe place, calculated from its peculiarly good soil and salubrious climate, for a slave population. Interest and political safety both, alike prompt the action and enforce the argument. The South contends that preservation and justice to themselves call for that aid to be tendered to them which would be given by the acquisition of Texas. They are not safe as they are. They are not balanced with the free states. Their exposure to insurrection is fourfold, with not one-fourth the means to redress their grievances. They contend that they have an internal foe within, and an awful foe in all those who demand the emancipation of their slaves, and who call upon them to give up their property now and for ever. The question is therefore put by the South to Congress and the country, ‘Shall we have justice done us by the admission of Texas into the Union, whenever that admission may be asked by the Texians themselves?’ The question is a fair one, and must soon be met by Congress and the nation. The North almost to a man will answer NO. The West will be divided, and the discussion of the question will find two strong and powerful parties; the one in favor of Texas, a slaveholding province, and the other against it.”

To the foregoing we subjoin a toast, lately given at a public meeting of eminent politicians, at Columbia, South Carolina:—

“TEXAS—If united to our government as a state, it will prove an invaluable acquisition to the southern states, and their domestic institutions.”

Notices, of the following purport, are very frequently to be seen in the southern and south-western papers. This is copied from a North Carolina Journal.

“WHO WILL GO TO TEXAS?

Major J. H. Harry, of Lincolnton, has been authorised by me, with the consent of Major General Hunt, an agent in the western counties of North Carolina, to receive and enrol Volunteer emigrants to Texas, and will conduct such as may wish to emigrate to that Republic, about the first of October next, at the expense of the Republic of Texas.

J. P. HENDERSON,

Brig. Gen'l. of Texian Army.

August, 1836.”

The paragraph below, gives us a view of operations upon a pretty large scale; and while we peruse it, we must recollect, that no measures have been taken by our government, to prevent this bold and glaring violation of our own laws and the integrity of the Mexican Republic!

THREE HUNDRED MEN FOR TEXAS.—General Dunlap, of Tennessee, is about to proceed to Texas with the above number of men. The whole corps are now at Memphis. They will not, it is said, pass this way. Every man is completely armed, the corps having been originally raised for the Florida war. This force, we have no doubt, will be able to carry every thing before it.—Vicksburg Register.

It is gratifying to learn, that the motives of those engaged in this outrageous Crusade are beginning to be understood and justly appreciated, by some of the most intelligent citizens of the United States.

A gentleman of great philanthropy, intelligence, and public spirit, in the State of New York, thus expresses himself in a letter of recent date:—

“The Texians could have effected nothing, but for the assistance furnished by the southern states, who have as fully waged the war they excited, as though it had been formally declared by them. The number of respectable men in Texas is too small to redeem the country and their cause from the fathomless abyss of misery, degradation and infamy, into which the projected establishment and perpetuation of slavery must inevitably plunge them as well as the United States. Meanwhile, all the slave-mongers, slave-politicians, and slave-presses, on this side the Sabine and Red rivers, are using the utmost exertions to force the recognition of Texian Independence, and its incorporation with the United States as speedily as possible. This monstrous outrage, unsurpassed in the blackest page of history, is fast tending to its consummation.”

An able writer in the same State, who ranks among the most eminent legal professional characters, emphatically remarks as follows, in a communication to the editor of the National Enquirer.—Speaking of the “Texas Conspiracy,” he says:—

“I cannot now bring to my recollection, in the history of the world, so foul and abominable a conspiracy against the laws of nations, of civil society, and the rights of man, as this nefarious combination of land-speculators, land-pirates, and man-stealers, under the name of Texian Patriots, presents:—and this too in the nineteenth century, and in the midst of ā people who boast of being highly intelligent, and claim to be the friends of law, order, liberty, and the RIGHTS OF MAN!!!—From my inmost soul I sicken at the thought.”

The editor of the New York Sun quotes an extract from the letter of General Houston to General Dunlap, of Nashville, in which he says:—” For a portion of this force we must look to the United States. It cannot reach us too soon. There is but one feeling in Texas, in my opinion, and that is to establish the independence of Texas, and to be attached to the United States”—and then remarks:

“Here, then, is an open avowal by the commander in chief of the Texian army, that American troops will be required to seize and sever this province of the Mexican republic, for the purpose of uniting it to ours; and this avowal is made by a distinguished American citizen, in the very face of that glorious constitution of his country, which wisely gives no power to its citizens for acquiring foreign territory by conquest, their own territory being more than amply sufficient to gratify any safe ambition; and in the face, too, of the following solemn and sacred contract of his country with the sister republic which he would dismember:—

‘There shall be a firm inviolable, and universal peace, and a true and sincere friendship between the United States of America, and the United Mexican States, in all the extent of their possessions and territories, between their people and citizens respectively, without distinction of persons or places’.

In the earlier days of our republic, when a high-minded and honorable fidelity to its constitution was an object proudly paramount to every mercenary consideration that might contravene it, an avowed design of this kind against the possessions of a nation with whom the United States were at peace, would have subjected its author, if a citizen, to the charge of high treason, and to its consequences.—When Aaron Burr and his associates were supposed to meditate the conquest of Mexico, and attempted to raise troops in the southern states to achieve it, they were arrested for treason, and Burr, their chief, was tried for his life. But now, behold! the conquest of a part of the same country is an object openly proclaimed, not in the letters of General Houston alone, but by many of our wealthiest citizens at public banquets, and by the hireling presses in the chief cities of our Union. The annexation of a foreign territory to our own by foreign conquest, being thus unblushingly avowed, and our citizens who are integral portions of our national sovereignty being openly invited and incited to join the crusade with weapons of war, it becomes an interesting moral inquiry—what is there in the public mind to excuse or even to palliate so flagrant a prostitution of national faith and honor in these days, any more than in the days that are past? The answer is ready at hand, and is irrefutable. An extensive and well organized gang of swindlers in Texas lands, have raised the cry, and the standard of ‘Liberty!’ and to the thrilling charm of this glorious word, which stirs the blood of a free people, as the blast of the bugle arouses every nerve of the war-horse, have the generous feelings of our citizens responded in ardent delusion. But, as the Commercial Advertiser truly declares, ‘Never was the Goddess of American Liberty invoked more unrighteously;’ and we cannot but believe that the natural sagacity, good sense, and proud regard for their national honor, for which our citizens are distinguished in the eyes of all nations, will speedily rescue them from the otherwise degrading error in which that vile crew of mercenary, hypocritical swindlers would involve them. The artful deceivers, however, have not relied upon the generosity and noble sympathy only of our fellow-citizens, for they insidiously presented a bribe to excite their cupidity also. They have not only falsely represented the Texian cause as one of pure, disinterested liberty and justice, as opposed to perfidious tyranny and cruel oppression, but they have themselves assumed something more than the liberty which they basely and hypocritically advocate, by impudently promising a fertile paradisaical piece of Texian land, a mile square, to every American citizen and foreign emigrant, who will sally forth to capture it from the Mexican republic! Induced by one or both of these objects, many hundreds of our enterprising citizens left their own ample and unobjectionable country, to unite with Irish, English, and other foreign adventurers in a war, from the fullest success of which, only some six or eight Land Companies, who have fraudulently and audaciously monopolized the Texian territory, would gain an important benefit. And to this shrine of Mammon, concealed by the crowding banners of ostensible liberty, have many hundreds of our gallant youth been treacherously sacrificed—sacrificed by a mercenary treachery, compared to which that exercised by Santa Anna, in defence of the Republic of which he was President, was innocence and patriotism.

Had we in the Texians, a brave and injured people, struggling in the land of their birth, or even of their adoption, for those abstract and social rights of mankind which were the objects of our revolution, and which we obtained and enjoy, theirs would be a cause with which angels might sympathize, and which the bolts of heaven might well be launched to aid. But is it such a cause?—Deceived by misrepresentations, we were ourselves led so to consider it in its earlier efforts; but a fair examination of facts has undeceived us, and we look in vain either for such a cause or such a people in the Texians. What are the facts?

We pledge ourselves to answer the question with a perspicuity which shall defy all future obscuration, and with a rigid adherence to truth which shall defy the most desperate efforts to refute. We have, at present, only room to state, in brief, that the Texian revolution was concerted by the planters and slave speculators in the southern states ever since the first permission given by the Spanish authorities to Moses Austin of Missouri, in the year 1820, to introduce 300 families, professing the Catholic religion, as colonists of a grant of land which he obtained on this express condition. From that time to the present moment the aggressions have been on the part of the colonists, under the sanction of the southern speculators; and not until their purpose of getting a physical force into the province which should detach it f...

Table of contents

• PREFATORY NOTE.
• THE WAR IN TEXAS.
• A CITIZEN OF THE UNITED STATES.