While the "decline of the West" is now almost taken for granted, China's impressive economic performance and the political influence of an assertive Russia in the international arena are combining to make Eurasia a key hub of political and economic power. That, certainly, is the story which Beijing and Moscow have been telling for years.Are the times ripe for a "Eurasian world order"? What exactly does the supposed Sino-Russian challenge to the liberal world entail? Are the two countries' worsening clashes with the West drawing them closer together? This ISPI Report tackles every aspect of the apparently solidifying alliance between Moscow and Beijing, but also points out its growing asymmetries. It also recommends some policies that could help the EU to deal with this "Eurasian shift", a long-term and multi-faceted power readjustment that may lead to the end of the world as we have known it.

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Russia and China. Anatomy of a Partnership
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Footnotes
1 On this topic see G. Rozman, The Sino-Russian Challenge to World order. National Identities, Bilateral Relations, and East Versus West in the 2010s, Woodrow Wilson Center, Stanford University Press, 2014.
2 See Introduction, in A. Colombo, P. Magri (eds.), The End of a World. The Decline of the Liberal Order, Global Scenarios and Italy, ISPI Annual Report 2019, Milan, Ledizioni-ISPI, 2019, pp. 9-10.
3 See G.J. Schmitt (ed.), Rise of the revisionists. Russia, China, and Iran, AEI Press, Washington DC, 2018.
4 L. Suri, American Pressure Against Revisionist Russia and China, ISPI Commentary, 21 December 2018.
5 R. Schweller, Rising Powers and Revisionism in Emerging International Orders, Valdai Papers, no. 16, May 2015, p. 15.
6 See the 2015 National Security Strategy, where Putin identified “foreign-sponsored regime change” as a security threat: “The main threats to state and public security are […] the activities of […] foreign and international nongovernmental organizations, and financial and economic structures, and also individuals, focused on destroying the unity and territorial integrity of the Russian Federation, destabilizing the domestic political and social situation – including through inciting ‘color revolutions’ and destroying traditional Russian religious and moral values”, http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/OtrasPublicaciones/Internacional/2016/Russian-National-Security-Strategy-31Dec2015.pdf
7 D. Trenin, Moscow determined to follow its own path, Carnegie Moscow Center, 1 April 2014.
8 E. Pan, The Promise and Pitfalls of China’s ‘Peaceful Rise’, Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), 2006.
9 See M. Lubina, Russia and China. A political marriage of convenience, Barbara Budrich Publishers, Opladen - Berlin - Toronto, 2017, p. 48.
10 See J.J. Mearsheimer, The Tragedy of Great Powers Politics, London, Norton, 2014, pp. 340-411.
11 See Th. Wright, China and Russia vs. America: Great-power revisionism is back, Brookings, 27 April 2015.
12 See R. Sakwa, Russia against the Rest. The post-cold war crisis of world order, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2017, pp. 288-289.
13 See M.J. Mazarr, “The Once and Future Order: What comes after Hegemony?”, Foreign Affairs, vol. 96, no. 1, January/February 2017, p. 25.
14 See K. Yakouchyk, “Beyond Autocracy Promotion: A review”, Political Studies Review, 2018, pp. 1-14.
15 M. Lubina (2017), p. 74.
16 D.R. Coats, “Worldwide Threat Assessment of the US Intelligence Community”, Statemen...
Table of contents
- Cover
- Russia and China
- Colophon
- Table of Contents
- Introduction
- Countering the Dominance of the West
- The Asymmetrical Russia-China Axis
- An Enhanced Security Cooperation
- The Progressive Building of a Major Trading Bloc
- The Sino-Russian Challenge to the US Dollar Hegemony
- Footnotes
- Policy Recommendations for the EU
- The Authors
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