The Mind of the Negro As Reflected in Letters During the Crisis 1800-1860
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The Mind of the Negro As Reflected in Letters During the Crisis 1800-1860

Carter G. Woodson, Bob Blaisdell

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The Mind of the Negro As Reflected in Letters During the Crisis 1800-1860

Carter G. Woodson, Bob Blaisdell

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This nuanced portrait of abolitionist politics in the decades leading up to the Civil War contains hundreds of historically valuable letters. This treasury recaptures the voices of prominent political and philosophical leaders such as Frederick Douglass and William Lloyd Garrison as well as the voices of slaves and free men, ordinary citizens, lawyers, and ministers. Along with documents concerning the active abolitionist movement, this compilation features correspondence related to the American Colonization Society, an organization that advocated the resettlement of freed slaves in Africa.
Editor Carter G. Woodson (1875–1950) founded the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History as well as the Journal of Negro History, and he was instrumental in establishing the foundations of Black History Month. His compilation of unique historical documents, many of them unavailable for study elsewhere, forms an essential reference for students of American history and politics. Introduction to the Dover edition by Bob Blaisdell.

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Year
2013
ISBN
9780486320410
LETTERS TO ANTISLAVERY WORKERS AND AGENCIES
To expect the abolitionists to tell the truth about slavery is now considered by historians as most preposterous. Abolitionists are generally branded as unusually excited persons abandoning themselves to their emotions, while portraying the slave as a persecuted saint and his owner as the devil incarnate. On the other hand, the colonizationists boasting of the most “respectable” membership, doing and saying every thing possible to deport the free Negro to safeguard the institution of slavery, are regarded as persons disposed to tell the truth about the situation at that time.
To a candid thinker, however, there cannot seem to be any more truth in the declarations of the colonizationists who were trying to carry out one program than there was in those of the abolitionists who endeavored to solve the problem of Negro uplift in a different way. The protagonists of both sides said and did those things which espoused the particular cause in which they were interested. They belonged to the same race, lived in the same country, and had developed under the same influences. That one group should be especially truthful and the other the contrary is a conclusion which can be supported only by bias and prejudice.
It has been said, moreover, that the contributions of Negroes to the abolition organs were revised by the editors in keeping with the thought that they desired to weave into the productions of the Negro writers. As a matter of fact, however, the evidence is to the effect that communications addressed by Negroes to newspapers underwent less change in the case of the abolitionists than in that of the colonizationists. Most of those addressed to the latter usually came from Negroes of the South once held as slaves or expecting to be freed in the near future. Having had little opportunity for education, they could not easily express themselves. They, therefore, often called upon white friends to write letters for them and when they submitted their own, the editors of colonization organs often published them with notes to the effect that the language had been changed to improve the style of the letters.
In the case of the abolitionists this was generally unnecessary for the reason that Negroes exercising such freedom of speech as to express themselves on the issues of the day usually lived in the North where they had better facilities of education. The Negro spokesmen through abolition agencies, moreover, were very often learned men who had undergone sufficient mental development to compare favorably with reformers thus functioning among the whites. There was, therefore, little necessity for a change in the letters of Negroes addressed to antislavery men and agencies.
These antislavery letters of the Negroes are of unusual significance for the reason that although many of these persons herein reported were editors and orators of consequence during the crisis, they failed to keep complete files of their newspapers or to record their orations for the benefit of generations unborn. In these letters, therefore, the investigator will find the only valuable source to determine what the free Negro was actually thinking and feeling during this period.
I. JOHN B. RUSSWURM, NATHANIEL PAUL, JAMES FORTEN, ROBERT PURVIS, AND OTHERS
The following letters do not show a charitable disposition toward John B. Russwurm, who had at one time been popular as the editor of Freedom’s Journal, published in New York during the ’thirties. At first, he refused to connect himself with the colonizationists, but finding their later proposals more flattering, he joined their ranks, going to Liberia where he served as an editor and public functionary. In advocating rather strongly the cause of colonization, he incurred the displeasure of some of his former friends, as these letters show.
To the Editor of the Liberator.
SIR—Notwithstanding the many preposterous arguments of colonizationists, and their wild and incoherent freaks, in support of their imaginary scheme of civilizing Africa, by draining the people of color from this their original and only home; notwithstanding the many hyperbolical accounts, which they so assiduously and conscientiously circulate about that pestiferous clime;—I never felt so indignant at any of their manœuvres (for every step they take to facilitate their plans, tends but to expose their inconsistency) as at a piece of composition which appeared in the twelfth number of the ‘Liberia Herald,’ written by its editor John B. Russworm. This John B. Russworm is known, I presume, to every one of us; his ingratitude is but too deeply stamped on the minds of many, who have been requited in a manner, which neither time nor space will ever obliterate. After he subverted the pledge he made to his colored brethren, he left, to our satisfaction, his country—suffused with shame—and branded with the stigma of disgrace—to dwell in that land for which the temptor MONEY caused him to avow his preferment. He has resided there more than a year, publishing doubtless to the satisfaction of his supporters, their many glorious schemes, and eulogizing to the very skies the prosperity of his goodly LIBERIA. Not contented with lauding the retreat in which and about which he may flame with impunity, he has the audacity to reprove those with whom he played the traitor. Out of much he said, let this suffice as an example:
‘Before God, we know of no other home for the man of color, of republican principles, than Africa. Has he no ambition? Is he dead to everything noble? Is he contented with his condition? Let him remain in America.’
To this we reply, that before God, we know of no surer burial place than Africa, for men of any color; that we will never envy John B. Russworm his ambition; and that we will pray God, that his notions of nobleness may never enter our hearts, and that we will not be contented with our condition, but will make it better in this our native home. R.1
Philadelphia, April 8th, 1831.
To the Editor of the Liberator.
SIR—I have read from the U. S. Gazette of Philadelphia, a paragraph published by Mr Russwurm at Liberia, which I presume was intended for the perusal of the colored people of this country—viz:
‘It is with much pleasure that we have witnessed the daily spread of the cause of colonization. Our brethren of color are beginning to view it in a more favorable light. And though a few of them, misled themselves, have endeavored to mislead the more ignorant to Canada, how have they succeeded? Do not the resolutions of Upper Canada speak volumes? Are they not viewed as intruders? Will not the arbitrary laws, or rather prejudices, which have been raised in Ohio, be planted and matured in Canada? It requires no prophetic eye to foresee, that to them and their posterity there is no abiding place on the other side of the Atlantic. Canada will hardly afford them a temporary shelter, against the bleak winds of winter. Before God, we know no other home for the man of color, of republican principles, than Africa.’
Read for yourselves, my colored brethren, the language of Mr Russwurm, and then you will be able to judge of the change which this world’s goods are calculated to make in the principles of man.
When Mr Russwurm was employed in the editorial department of the Freedom’s Journal, and paid for services which were not rendered, he was as much opposed to the colonizing of the free people of color in Africa as I am; but when his patrons failed to support the Journal, he, not being able to live without other subscribers, converted the people’s paper to the use of the Colonization Society, by which change he worked himself into their employ; and you now have evidence of his faithful performance to his worthy employers.
I have nothing to say against the very laudable efforts [?] of the Society. It has done, and continues to do, much good [?] for our enslaved brethren; and the Colony at Liberia is well adapted to the bettering of their unhappy condition. I am glad to see they have friends, who will aid in moving them to that highly respected country. But we who have a right to free suffrages, have no disposition to emigrate either to Africa or Canada. If left to our choice, we would much rather stay at home. It is here we have received our birth, and here we wish to remain.
Mr Russwurm tells us, he knows no other home for us than Africa. If he were in Philadelphia, and would make this assertion to me, I would tell him it was a palpable falsehood, and would prove it by his former editorial documents. I would ask whether Mr R. would have gone to Africa even on a visit, had he been in flourishing circumstances? I answer, no. I am too sensible of this fact, that he would as reluctantly fall a victim to the lion, the tiger, the serpent, or the climate, as any one of us: it was real necessity that drove him to seek in Africa an abiding home, as he terms it; and as his usefulness is entirely lost to the people, I sincerely pray that he may have the honor to live and also die there.
C. D. T. a Philadelphian.2
The following ideas from the Rev. Nathaniel Paul become more interesting when we think of him as one of the first to join the antislavery ranks. He was denouncing slavery years before Garrison, Phillips, and Sumner appeared upon the scene.
It will doubtless be gratifying to the numerous friends of this highly respectable individual in this country, as well as to his colored brethren in Upper Canada, to be apprised of his welfare and success in England. Mr Paul sailed from New-York on the 31st of December, as the agent and representative of the colonists in Wilberforce to the British Court, for the purpose of procuring the protection and patronage of the Crown, and exciting the sympathies of the people of England in behalf of the colonists. We have received a letter from him, dated London, July 3d, a portion of which we have extracted below. Mr Paul informs us that the apostate Quaker Elliot Cresson, the agent of the Colonization Society, was making rapid progress in deceiving the English philanthropists, until Mr P. clogged his chariot wheels. ‘He had represented the Society,’ says Mr P. ‘as engaged merely to break down slavery; but I have boldly contradicted his statement, and shown to the people that its obvious tendency is to promote and perpetuate that odious system.’ It is fortunate for the cause of truth and benevolence that Mr Paul happens to be in England at this time; and we sincerely hope that he will spare no efforts to expose the base imposition which Cresson is palming upon the generous-hearted Britons. Let them but fairly understand the principles and operations of the Colonization Society, and he will no longer dare to solicit their charities in its behalf. Cresson’s assertion, that the Society is engaged to overthrow slavery, is a gross misrepresentation. The Society, through a thousand responsible organs, has protested ab origine that its object is not the emancipation of the slaves, but the expulsion of the free people of color. It is not hostile to slavery in any sense of the term, but gives it protection and nourishment. Mr Paul’s account of the enthusiasm which pervades the minds of the British people on the subject of abolition is indeed most cheering.
LONDON, July 3d, 1832.
MY DEAR FRIEND GARRISON—It is with pleasure that I improve this opportunity in writing you a few lines from this far distant country. I know that it is a matter of satisfaction to you to hear of any thing that is of importance in relation to the interest of the colored people, in whose cause you have been and still are so ardently engaged. Allow me then to say, sir, that the people of this country are alive to the cause of abolition. The zeal of many, who are members of the Anti-Slavery Society, is without a parallel, except in the apostles and martyrs of the cross of Christ. What would you think, sir, of seeing a petition a half a mile long, and containing more than ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY THOUSAND NAMES, sent to the Congress of the United States? Surely you would think that, ere long, slavery must be abolished in this country. Shame on your republicans! No such sight has ever been seen in America. But, thank God! we have seen it here. This was but one petition. Several others have been sent, and more than THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND NAMES have gone to the House of Commons, praying that this accursed system may be abolished. Indeed, the recent outrages committed in Jamaica will have a powerful tendency to hasten on the glorious event.
It may be probably interesting to you to hear how I am getting along, in regard to the object for which I came to this country. I would therefore say that, at the time I came, it was a time of peculiar oppression in this city. The Cholera had just broken out, and this, in connexion with the political state of the kingdom, threw every thing into such a state of agitation, that it was impossible for me to prosecute my business with any degree of success. But things are now more settled than when I arrived. The Reform Bill having passed, and received the royal sanction, the political peace of the kingdom is restored, and the Cholera, although it has not entirely subsided, nevertheless it is not so fatal or general as it hitherto has been. I feel, therefore, in hopes that I shall be able to prosecute the object of my mission with greater success. I will only say, that I have not met with a single objection to the object, but with much encouragement from ministers and gentlemen of the first standing, such as Wilberforce, Clarkson, &c.
* * * * * * * * * * *
God bless you!
NATH’L PAUL.3
Bristol, (England,) April 10, 1833.
MY DEAR FRIEND GARRISON:
Having an opportunity of sending to America, I improve it in writing you a few lines. I have much to say, and I hardly know what to say first; but I will begin with that subject which, next to the salvation of the soul, I know lies nearest your heart—viz. the liberation of the helpless slave, and the elevation of the people of color from that state of degradation that they have so long been in.
Let me say, then, sir, that the voice of this nation is loud and incessant against the system of slavery. Its death warrant is sealed, so far as it relates to the British West Indies. The advocates of slavery are trembling, for the signs of the times proclaim that the end of their oppression draweth near. The tune of the planters is changed. They formerly threatened, but they now begin to supplicate pity for themselves and their children. But how shall those who have felt no pity for others, think of exciting pity for themselves? Their entreaties come too late. The course of the people is determined, and by the help of God they will continue it until slavery shall cease. And let it rejoice your heart, sir, that no half way measures are to be taken. Tired of that delusive song of gradual emancipation, they have resolved to be satisfied with nothing short of total, absolute, and immediate emancipation. A bill will be introduced by his Majesty’s government in a few days to this effect; and as soon as this is done, the tables in both Houses of Parliament will groan b...

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