[ CHAPTER ONE ]
Who Was Herzen?
Herzen awaits his readers in the future. Far above the heads of the present crowd, he transmits his thoughts to those who will be able to comprehend them.
L. N. TOLSTOY, DIARY ENTRY OF 12 OCTOBER 1905
HE has been described more than once as a Russian Voltaire. Nietzsche wrote of his readiness to credit âsuch a noble-spirited and tenacious soulâ with âevery gift of distinctionâ; Tolstoy declared that he had never met anyone with âso rare a combination of scintillating brilliance and depth.â1 On his death the historian Jules Michelet wrote that the voice of millions had been silenced.2
Philosopher, novelist, essayist, publicist, and political agitator, Alexander Ivanovich Herzen was one of the most talented and complex figures of his time. The first socialist in Russian history, he played a crucial role in the assimilation of Western ideas into Russian thought. As a political Ă©migrĂ© in Europe, he is acknowledged as having single-handedly created Russian public opinion by providing his native country with its first uncensored news organ, smuggled into Russia from his Free Russian Press in London: the celebrated periodical The Bell. In the West, his fame rivaled that of the great Russian novelists who were his contemporaries. An engaged observer of the 1848 revolution in France, he was admired by some of the most eminent members of Europeâs progressive elite. His friends and collaborators included Garibaldi, Mazzini, Michelet, Louis Blanc, Proudhon, Victor Hugo, and Thomas Carlyle. His political writings, infused with moral passion and a fiery imagination, have all the vitality of the spoken word. His monumental memoirs, the work of an uncommonly perceptive social observer, with their vivid insights into personalities, ideas, and events at turning points in the history of Russia and Europe, are recognized as a literary classic, while as a philosopher he gave early expression to values that became prominent only a century later.
But he left no body of doctrine, and anyone inquiring into the nature of his intellectual legacy is faced with a bewildering variety of interpretations. The outlook and aims of this extraordinarily multifaceted figure continue to be a matter of contention. In his own country Slavophiles and Westernizers, Romantics and realists, moderates and extremists, communists, anarchists, and liberals, have on occasion claimed him as their own, or reviled him as an implacable opponent. Comparisons have been made with Stirner, Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, and Camus, to name only a few.3 He won tributes from Dostoevsky and Solzhenitsyn, who acknowledged his formative influence on their work in both content and style. But he was also accorded the dubious honor of elevation to the Soviet pantheon, thanks to Leninâs much-quoted essay âIn Memory of Herzen,â lauding Herzen for his âselfless devotionâ to the cause of revolutionâa phrase that determined (and strictly limited) the approach of generations of Soviet scholars to his work.4
The official Russian interpretation of Herzen disappeared from circulation after 1991. The three speakers at a very modest conference held in 2010 in the Institute of Philosophy of the Russian Academy of Sciences to mark the 140th anniversary of his death stressed the ânontypicalityâ (nestandartnost) of his thought as a critic both of Western liberalism and Russian Slavophilism, and his misfortune to have been cited repeatedly for pragmatic purposes by Lenin and his successors as part of the prologue to bolshevism (defining him in this way had made it possible to assert the distinctiveness of Russian communism as no mere offshoot of Marxism.)5 A very much larger conference with a light sprinkling of foreign delegates was held in 2012, again in Moscow, to discuss Herzenâs heritage on the bicentenary of his birth. The opening speaker acknowledged that in the two previous post-Soviet decades, âwe were silent about Herzen.⊠[He] was neither refuted nor rejected, not even intentionally forgotten; he simply disappeared from sight. It was as if he had fallen into a black hole.â6 Or rather as if he had fallen between two stools (popal pod razdachu slonov), pigeonholed either as the ideological ally of bolshevism or the ideological foe of the tsarist regime it destroyed. Two speakers give the main credit for the recent sudden growth of interest in his life and ideas (a phenomenon described by one as âa genuine landmark in the history of Russian social and political thoughtâ) to Isaiah Berlin, who, by approaching his personality and ideas in their historical context, had rescued Herzen from oblivion to become a significant figure in the cultural life of both Russia and the English-speaking world. They note that Berlinâs writings on Herzen were the inspiration for The Coast of Utopia, the English dramatist Tom Stoppardâs set of plays devoted to Herzenâs life, which had themselves become a minor cultural phenomenon, with an extended run in Moscow.7
Even though the papers at that conference ranged widely (few in original directions) over Herzenâs multifaceted talents as writer, philosopher, and political activist, none addressed his own frequently repeated explanation for the unpopularity of his view of history: the fear of freedom.8 In an essay published five years after the end of Russian communism, the historian A. I. Volodin had pointed out that for all his enormous erudition and the vividness of his style, Herzen produced no system, no body of doctrine categorizable as âHerzenism.â Revolutionaries and reformers, materialists and idealists alike were alarmed and repelled by his refusal to recognize any absolutes, his rejection of the logic of âeither / or,â and above all his contention that history follows no path of progress to a final goal, contrary to all the theories of progress that had sustained European optimism over two millennia. Volodin cites a letter to Herzen from Tolstoy in the early 1860sââThere are many people, and 99 out of a hundred Russians, who will be too frightened to give credence to your thoughts.⊠(You appear to be addressing only the intelligent and the brave.) Those who are neither intelligent nor brave will say that it is better to be silent when one has reached such conclusionsââand contends that Tolstoyâs prediction was correct: the principal reason few commentators on Herzen have been prepared to consider objectively his views on socialism, religion, Russiaâs relation to the West, the nature of history and progress, and the goals of revolution is that âtaken as a whole, his heritage is acceptable to no one.â9
Only two Western scholars have given detailed attention to the view of history and freedom that inspired Herzenâs work, and they reached opposing conclusions. In essays first published in the 1950s, Isaiah Berlin contended that the boldness and originality of Herzenâs thought had been overlooked because of the tendency to classify it as yet another variety of early socialism. Focusing on Herzenâs campaign for individual liberty against the great utopian visions of his time, Berlin stressed the farsightedness of his perception of the destructive power of ideological abstractions over human lives: âHerzenâs sense of reality, in particular of the need for, and the price of, revolution, is unique in his own, and perhaps in any age.â10 The first major study of Herzen in English was Martin Maliaâs 1961 biography; although it is incomplete, it has strongly influenced the interpretation of Herzen accepted in the West, painting a picture that is the antithesis of Berlinâs: Herzen as a utopian thinker motivated by âan almost unique existential egoism.â11
Edward Actonâs study of Herzenâs activities in western Europe convincingly challenges this view, but presents him as increasingly behind his time in his failure to influence a new generation of Russian revolutionaries.12 Neither Maliaâs interpretation nor Actonâs does proper justice to Herzenâs own image of himself as the herald of truths that were too alien to received ideas to be acceptable or even comprehensible to the majority. He would express ironic amusement at his contemporariesâ efforts to locate him on their political spectrumâliberal, radical, gradualist, extremist. Most irritating of all, he maintained, they would accuse him of inconsistency, whereas for most of his life he had been preaching the same âtwo or three ideasâ; but these had proved too contrary to long-cherished beliefs to be given sanctuary in the brain.
My own interest in Herzen was sparked by an exception to this rule: Isaiah Berlinâs essays. These still seem to me to have best captured the distinctiveness of Herzenâs thought by identifying him as a precursor, spelling out truths too novel for most of his contemporaries to understand and far too frightening for them to accept. The present study will approach his ideas in the context of the revolution in European thinking on manâs place in nature that would culminate in Darwinâs treatise on the origin of species.
Few commentators on Herzenâs thought have given significance to his early training in the natural sciences as a student at Moscow University. The subject is not even mentioned in the chapter on Herzen in a history of Russian philosophy published in 2010, while the texts selected for translation into English in A Herzen Reader, published two years later, include no extracts from his most original essays, on the natural sciences and the theme of evolution: no surprise, perhaps, as the critical commentary that follows the translations dates his adoption of evolutionary theories no farther back than his âEnglish period.â13 But I shall show that the evolutionary science he imbibed at Moscow University twenty years earlier shaped his subsequent approach to history and philosophy: he would be unique among his contemporaries in the depth and extent of his knowledge in these three disparate disciplines. This combination of perspectives lay behind his demythologizing approach to history and society, allowing him to discern (two decades before Nietzsche announced the âdeath of Godâ) the erosion of that faith in a purposive universe in which the great nineteenth-century optimistic systems were grounded. In the same year as Marxâs pronouncement that communism was âthe solution of the riddle of history,â Herzen declared that there were âno solutionsâ: history, like nature, was an improvisation, subject to the play of chance.
We shall see that Herzen was both keenly interested in the developments in evolutionary theory that were leading to Darwinâs discoveries and deeply aware of the threat they posed to cherished beliefs about the nature of history and the meaning and purpose of human life. This book will chart both Herzenâs intellectual journey and his struggle to exemplify what he called âthe courage of consistencyâ in his personal life and his political life.
His âRussian socialism,â habitually portrayed as a messianic construct, was built on this pragmatic philosophy: anticipating many âthird worldâ economists of the next century, he insisted that instead of following a notionally universal path of progressâthat of the WestâRussia should seek to develop the potential immanent in its own culture. As Darwin was to do in On the Origin of Species, Herzen incorporated the development of human societies into the domain of natural laws. From the Other ShoreâHerzenâs confession de foi composed in the light of the failed revolutions of 1848âurges his contemporaries to cease their pursuit of unattainable goals and address themselves to the âphysiologyâ of history, adapting their ideals and their personal hopes to the contingencies of time and place. This precept he consistently applied to the personal and political defeats and tragedies in his own life. The account of his life that follows will give particular attention to his letters (which occupy ten untranslated volumes in the Soviet edition of his works) as reflections of his stubborn resistance to what Nietzsche was to call the âcraving for metaphysical comfort.â
His early intellectual development took place under the combined influence of the two movements of ideas that began in the eighteenth century to transform humansâ vision of the nature and purpose of our lives and the world in which we live: the Romantic movement and the growth of the natural sciences. The influence of the former has received due attention from Herzenâs biographers;14 this study aims to do the same for the latter. It will emphasize his role as a pioneer in addressing the theme of contingency that would be central to Darwinâs theory of evolution, situating Herzen within a demythologizing tradition in European humanism that stretches back to Francis Bacon and includes Friedrich Schillerâs and John Stuart Millâs assaults on the universalist assumptions of rationalist ethical systems. These all informed Herzenâs attacks on the philosophies of progress that inspired so much political thought and practice in the last two centuries; he would also expose the logical and empirical defects of pessimistic antirationalism as preached by Schopenhauer (and subsequently Nietzsche).
Central emphasis will be given here to a hitherto unexplored aspect of his thought: his lifelong interest in scientific modes of inquiry and their relevance to the study of history. These were essential to his vision of the openness of time and the power and the limitations of reason. He was among the first to welcome Darwinâs discovery of the primary role of chance in evolution as a momentous step toward dismantling teleological systems that misrepresent the world and humansâ place in it; his own ideas were singular anticipations of the subsequent cross-fertilizations between scientific and historical thought.
In the preface to his study of science in Russian culture, published in 1963, Alexander Vucinich remarks: âPolitical history, social and religious thought, the arts, and most of the other dimensions of Russian life have been dealt with rather extensively in Western historical literature, but science as a component of Russian culture has been almost completely ignored.⊠Historians have often concluded that science, at least until the twentieth century, was a rationalist aberration operating on the fringes of Russian life.â15 It would seem that this preconception has distracted attention from Herzenâs most significant contributions to the history of ideas. He was not only the first Russian socialist: he was also, in the words of Isaiah Berlin, âthe forerunner of much twentieth-century thought ⊠a man with a quality a...