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Προσκυνέω in the Cultural Context of the NT Writings
The goal of this chapter is to provide a brief overview of the use of προσκυνέω in literature roughly contemporary with the NT as a way of establishing the general parameters and patterns of usage. Since the term is used in the NT writings for reverence or worship of personal beings (i.e., gods, humans, angels, etc.), we limit our focus here to similar instances. We begin with a discussion of the use of προσκυνέω in Greco-Roman literature before turning our attention to its use in OT writings and early Jewish literature.
A. Προσκυνέω in Greco-Roman literature
In pagan literature, we see quite a broad and diverse range of figures as objects of προσκυνέω, from the supreme deities down to mortal humans and various other divine and semi-divine beings that span the human-divine continuum. Quite frequently, προσκυνέω is used for worship of the many gods in the Greco-Roman world, including the principal deities in the Greco-Roman pantheon (Zeus/Jupiter, Poseidon/Neptune, etc.), various lower-level gods (Pan, the nymphs, nature deities, etc.), and chief gods of the larger pagan world (Ahura Mazdā, Isis, etc.). Here, the strongest reverential/worshipful senses of the term are most clearly seen, as those who render προσκύνησις to the gods often do so at/before cultic sites and objects and/or in association with cultic activities. It is said, for instance, that Chilonis did προσκύνησις before Poseidon’s altar (προσκυνήσασα τὸν βωµὸν τοῦ θεοῦ [Plutarch, Ag. Cleom. 18.2]). The announcement to the people of Thessaly that Artemis has come to bless the city leads them to offer her προσκύνησις and honor her with sacrifices (πάντων δὲ προσκυνούντων καὶ τιµώντων τὴν θεὸν θυσίαις [Diodorus Siculus, Hist. 4.51.3]). Plutarch describes Camillus’s supplication of Jupiter and of the gods as an expression of both prayer and προσκύνησις (ταῦτ᾿ εἰπών, καθάπερ ἐστὶ Ῥωµαίοις ἔθος ἐπευξαµένοις καὶ προσκυνήσασιν [Cam. 5.6–7]).1
So too are various other lower-level gods and foreign deities depicted as objects of worship through reception of προσκύνησις. In Daphnis and Chloe, Daphnis is portrayed as doing προσκύνησις before the statues of the nymphs and the statue of Pan, praying to them for Chloe’s safe return with a promise to sacrifice to them if she is returned to him (τὰ ἀγάλµατα τῶν Νυµϕῶν προσεκύνει καὶ ἐπηγγέλλετο σωθείσης Χλόης θύσειν τῶν αἰγῶν τὴν ἀρίστην / δραµὼν δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν πίτυν ἔνθα τὸ τοῦ Πανὸς ἄγαλµα ἵδρυτο . . . κἀκεῖνον προσεκύνει καὶ ηὔχετο ὑπὲρ τῆς Χλόης καὶ τράγον θύσειν ἐπηγγέλλετο [Longus, Daphn. 2.24.1–2]). The Tyrian Ousoos consecrates two pillars to Fire and Wind, rendering προσκύνησις to them and offering libations of animal blood to them (ἀνιεῶρσαι δὲ δύο στήλας Πυρὶ καὶ Πνεύµατι, καὶ προσκυνῆσαι αἷµά τε σπένδειν αὐταῖς ἐξ ὧν ἤγρευε θηρίων [Philo of Byblos, FGH 790 frg. 2.10]). It is said that Dicaearchus treated Impiety and Lawlessness like divinities as he would customarily set up altars to them, offer sacrifices to them, and render προσκύνησις to them (δύο κατεσκεύαζε βωµούς, τὸν µὲν Ἀσεβείας, τὸν δὲ Παρανοµίας, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔθυε καὶ τούτους προσεκύνει καθάπερ ἂν εἰ δαίµονας [Polybius, 18.54.10]). In Anthia and Habrocomes, when the virgin Anthia tells Psammis that he will have to reckon with the Egyptian goddess Isis if he violates her, he takes heed of her words, renders προσκύνησις to Isis, and leaves Anthia alone (πείθεται Ψάµµις καὶ τὴν θεὸν προσεκύνει καὶ Ἀνθίας ἀπέχεται [Xenophon of Ephesus, Anth. Habr. 3.11.4–5]).2
There are numerous instances where προσκυνέω is used for worship of the gods in general, as when Plutarch notes that the Pythagoreans do not allow one to do προσκύνησις and pray to the gods while cursorily passing by (ὡς γάρ ϕασι τοὺς Πυθαγορικοὺς οὐκ ἐᾶν ἐκ παρόδου προσκυνεῖν καὶ προσεύχεσθαι τοῖς θεοῖς [Plutarch, Num. 14.2]), when he mentions the practice of Romans who cover their heads when they offer προσκύνησις to the gods (Διὰ τί τοὺς θεοὺς προσκυνοῦντες ἐπικαλύπτονται τὴν κεϕαλήν [Quaest. rom. 266C]), and when he notes that Alexander the Great taught foreigners to give προσκύνησις to the Greek gods (ὢ θαυµαστῆς ϕιλοσοϕίας, δι᾿ ἣν Ἰνδοὶ θεοὺς Ἑλληνικοὺς προσκυνοῦσι [Alex. fort. 328C]).3 This last example in particular shows how προσκυνέω can be used in a more abstract sense for worship. While the term is commonly understood to be a form of reverence/worship expressed concretely, often through prostration in this period,4 as can be seen, for example, when it is said that Callirhoe rendered προσκύνησις to Aphrodite, taking hold of the feet of her cult statue (προσκυνήσασα δὲ ἡ Καλλιρόη καὶ τῶν ποδῶν λαβοµένη τῆς Ἀϕροδίτης [Chariton, Chaer. 2.2.7]), this is not the sense of the passage above. The point here is not that Alexander introduced these foreigners to a particular gesture of reverence/worship but more generally that he taught them to reverence/worship gods that were formerly unknown to them.
Moving from one end of the spectrum to the other, we see that προσκυνέω is also often used in Greco-Roman literature for homage or deference paid to human superiors. Such reverence is given to both low-ranking authority figures, such as masters, patrons, and fathers, and high-ranking authority figures, such as military leaders, kings, and queens. In many cases, the human superior does not necessarily receive προσκύνησις as a divine figure. For instance, following Herodotus’s observation, Strabo describes how Persians customarily render προσκύνησις to a person of significantly greater social status:
When they meet people on the streets, they approach and kiss those with whom they are acquainted and who are of equal rank, and to those of lower rank they offer the cheek and in that way receive the kiss; but those of still lower rank merely make obeisance (οἱ δ᾿ ἔτι ταπεινότεροι προσκυνοῦσι µόνον). (Strabo 15.3.20, Jones)
Thus, in the case where the social disparity between the inferior and the superior individual is most pronounced, those of inferior rank do προσκύνησις to their superior. Such high-ranking individuals would certainly include noblemen, royal associates, those in high office, and the wealthy.5 Lucian often portrays the rich and the powerful receiving προσκύνησις from others. The Athenian Timon recalls how his fellow citizens used to cringe and do προσκύνησις before him when he was rich (ἐπειδὴ πένης διὰ ταῦτα ἐγενόµην, οὐκέτι οὐδὲ γνωρίζοµαι πρὸς αὐτῶν οὐδὲ προσβλέπουσιν οἱ τέως ὑποπτήσσοντες καὶ προσκυνοῦντες [Tim. 5]). The Athenian Adimantus fantasizes about being wealthy and receiving προσκύνησις from his friends as they ask him for favors (ϕίλων πρόσοδοι καὶ δεήσεις καὶ τὸ ἅπαντας ὑποπτήσσειν καὶ προσκυνεῖν [Nav. 22]).6 A number of first- and second-century C.E. papyri letters similarly show how common it was to use προσκυνέω to express deep respect for a human superior. For instance, a slave writes of her desire to be present with her master so that she could render προσκύνησις to him (ὤϕελον εἰ ἐδυνάµεθα πέτασθαι καὶ ἐλθεῖν καὶ προσκυνῆσαί σε [P.Giess. 17.11–12 = SelPap I, 115]) and a shipmaster regretfully informs a chief magistrate that he has been detained and is unable to greet him with προσκύνησις (ἐπὶ ἐγὼ οὐ πάρειµει προσκυνῆσαί σε τὸν τιµιώτατον [P.Giess. 11.12–15 = SelPap II, 423]).7
Moving up the ranks, προσκύνησις is also shown to military leaders. After proposing terms of peace, the Roman general Sulla expected King Mithridates to give προσκύνησις to him for allowing him to live (ὃν ἐγὼ προσκυνήσειν ἐνόµιζον, εἰ τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ καταλείποιµι χεῖρα), when instead the king boldly rejects the general’s terms (Plutarch, Sull. 23.3). The son of the Armenian emperor Tigranes the Great, seeking a treaty with the Roman general Pompey, does προσκύνησις before him as his superior in barbarian fashion (ὁ δὲ Τιγράνης ἦλθε, καὶ τὸν Ποµπήιον ὡς κρείττονα βαρβαρικῶς προσεκύνησεν [Appian, Hist. rom. 12.104]). And the Ro man general Scipio Africanus receives προσκύνησις from Iberian prisoners of war, both initially as an expression of gratitude for their freedom (οὗτοι µὲν οὖν ἅµα δακρύοντες καὶ χαίροντες ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ τῆς σωτηρίας, προσκυνήσαντες τὸν στρατηγὸν διελύθησας) and later in recognition of him as king (προσκυνησάντων αὐτὸν καὶ προσϕωνησάντων βασιλέα [Polybius 10.17.8; 10.38.3; cf. 10.40.3]).8 Indeed, kings and queens in particular, the highest ranking human authority figures, are frequently portrayed receiving προσκύνησις. It is said that a “friend” of the Parthian king, though fed scraps tossed to him on the ground and frequently dragged away to be scourged, nevertheless does προσκύνησις before his tormentor as his benefactor (τὸν τιµωρησάµενον ὡς εὐεργέτην ἐπι τὸ ἒδαϕος πρηνὴς προσπεσὼν προσκυνεῖ [Posidonius, FGH 87 frg. 5]). Sillaces does προσκύνησις as he appears before the Parthian king Orodes II to deliver the head of the Roman general Crassus (Σιλλάκης ἐπιστὰς τῷ ἀνδρῶνι καὶ προσκυνήσας προὔβαλεν εἰς µέσον τοῦ Κράσσου τὴν κεϕαλήν [Plutarch, Crass. 33.2]). It is said that a barbarian mistook the Athenian Callias for a king because of his appearance and rendered προσκύνησις to him (Τούτῳ γάρ τις, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν βαρβάρων προσέπεσεν οἰηθεὶς βασιλέα διὰ τὴν κόµην καὶ τὸ στρόϕιον εἶναι· προσκυνήσας [Plutarch, Arist. 5.6]). Persian monarchs are often depicted receiving προσκύνησις. Ariamenes renders προσκύνησις to his brother, Xerxes I, the king, as he seats him upon the royal throne (Ἀριαµένης δ᾿ εὐθὺς ἀναπηδήσας προσεκύνησε τὸν ἀδελϕὸν καὶ λαβόµενος τῆς δεξιᾶς εἰς τὸν θρόνον ἐκάθισε τὸν βασίλειον [Plutarch, Frat. amor. 488F]). As Cyrus the Younger charges in battle, those around clear a path and give προσκύνησις to him (οἱ µὲν ἐξίσταντο προσκυνοῦντες [Plutarch, Art. 11.3]). Both Artaxerxes II and his queen Statira are many times portrayed receiving προσκύνησις in Chariton’s Chaereas and Callirhoe (Chaer. 5.2.2; 5.3.3; 5.4.8; 5.8.9; 6.7.3, 5; 7.5.15; 8.5.5, 12).9
In all the instances discussed thus far of προσκύνησις directed toward humans, the sense is that such reverence is shown either as a respectful greeting of a human superior, as an expression of gratitude for a benefit, as a way of humbly approaching in seeking a favor, and/or as an acknowledgment of the human superior’s authority. Moreover, the sense is that προσκύνησις is being rendered to humans as humans. Yet, by way of transition, in this last case of προσκύνησις shown to Persian kings, we may see something of the sense in which such humans who are considered to have a special connection with the gods are thereby thought to receive προσκύνησις as divine figures. The Persians themselves regarded their king as one who ruled under divine sanction, but they did not view him as a god,10 nor was the gesture of προσκύνησις perfor...