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Campbell v Spottiswoode (1863)
PAUL WRAGG
āAnd the Saturday would have had a column of sneering jocosity
on the irrepressibly sanguine temperament of authorsā1
I.INTRODUCTION
The facts of Campbell v Spottiswoode (āCampbellā) are well-known: Spottiswoode, the publisher of the Saturday Review (known colloquially as āthe Saturdayā), had printed an article called āThe Heathenās Best Friendā (āthe Heathen articleā), about Campbell, a proselytiser, which alleged he was defrauding his followers. Its significance, though, is more debatable. On Tuesday, 30 June 1863 (several months after it was decided), the Sydney Morning Herald presciently declared ā[it] will stand among the landmarks of law, and will be often appealed to in similar questions ā¦ ā2 This was certainly Lord Phillipsās view of it in 2010, when he said it is āperhaps the most important foundation stone of the modern law of fair commentā.3 What, though, did it decide? Commentators at the time were uncertain, as Mitchell notes: they agreed that Campbell disentangled fair comment from qualified privilege, but could not agree on what this meant: was fair comment now the companion to justification? Was it something else? Was it even a defence?4 Partially, the problem is explained by the concepts of fair comment, qualified privilege, and justification lacking the neat distinctions of today.5 But it was also not helped by the ambiguity of the phrase āprivilegeā which is used prominently in Campbell (and prior cases) to describe qualified privilege (as we know it) as well as fair comment and justification. Indeed, even in 1906, the Court of Appeal noted the problem this āetymological inexactitudeā6 caused in elucidating the concept of fair comment. Allied to this, judicial fickleness toward Campbell, in which the case has fallen into and out of favour, has introduced the danger of seeing the case through modern perspectives. Consequently, a sort of Chinese whispers has seen the case assume a significance and meaning now that, arguably, it never had.
Instead, it will be argued, the courtās view, in Campbell, of the distinction between fair comment and qualified privilege (and justification) was less radical. For them, the case facts raised no new points of law. The novelty of the case lay with counselās argument that the imputation of dishonesty was the same as the imputation of folly or wrongheadedness: all were capable of being matters of fair comment where the underlying facts supported the opinion. In the courtās view, this argument could not succeed (though there was some disagreement about why). In retrospect, then, although courts and commentators have used Campbell to tease out important distinctions between fair comment and qualified privilege, this was not the courtās intention. Indeed, qualified privilege (as we know it) was never pleaded (nor was justification). This more prosaic account arises from the contemporary newspaper reports of the trial, and a greater understanding of the characters involved in the trial, especially, the redoubtable Rev Dr John Campbell, whose claim it was.
II.THE FACTS
A.Dr Campbell is ānot altogether unknownā
The Reverend Dr John Campbell was a colourful character. Born in Scotland, in 1795, he moved to London in 1829, and died there in 1867 (some four years after his successful libel suit).7 He was a zealot, a fierce antagonist and a wily businessman. He wrote prodigiously, including books, pamphlets, letters and newspaper articles. He also part-owned British Standard and Ensign ā the newspapers at the centre of the Campbell litigation. Such endeavours prompted a commentator to dub him āthe most bustling man in ā¦ the Dissenting world of Londonā.8
His nature seems well-captured in an anecdote from the mid-1830s. When Campbell moved to London, he was co-pastor at two chapels (George Whitfieldās chapel on the Tottenham Court Road and the Tabernacle in Finsbury). In 1834, Campbell had āa serious difference with the Trustees of Tottenham Court Road about the exclusion of a member of the congregationā.9 This resulted in his dismissal. Whilst the specifics are unknown, it is known that Campbell did not go quietly. Or at all. For we are told, in the Metropolitan Ecclesiastical Directory (āDirectoryā) of 1835, that Campbellās successor ā Rev Ragsdell ā was prevented from taking up his ministration of the chapel: every time he tried to hold a service, Campbell would āattend and demand the pulpitā10 and, once rebuffed by Ragsdell, would leave and take the congregation with him.
But Campbell prevailed. By, at least, 1850, he had returned to both chapels as minister. Yet ā and here is a hint of how Campbellās pecuniary interests courted controversy ā he preached at neither.
He still held the pastorate, resided in the parsonage, and drew the salary; but he supplied his pulpit by employing, for a few weeks at a time, the most popular ministers that could be employed, to preach to his people ā¦ [whilst he] gave his time to the editing of [his] papers.11
It should come as no surprise that Campbell was not universally liked. As one former colleague put it:
I found Dr Campbell to be an earnest, but a very belligerent, man. He was always given to controversy. To use an American expression, he was given to āpitching intoā everybody and everything that did not correspond with his views. In this way he did a great deal of good; and occasionally, I fear, some harm.12
Campbellās āzealā saw him lose a libel case.13 On another occasion, he lost his popular support by āunwiselyā entering the fray over a controversial hymn book14 (controversial because Dissenters like Campbell thought it lacking in Evangelical truth).15 It was this that caused Campbell to commence the British Standard.
It is unsurprising, then, that, in the Heathen article, the Saturday should refer to Campbell as ānot altogether unknownā. Indeed, he was well-known to George Spottiswoode, the publisher of the Saturday, whom Campbell sued. In November 1840, his father, Andrew, felt Campbellās wraith over a dispute about the monopoly then existing for the right to print the Bible. As Kingās Printer, Andrew had defended his right, in a letter to The Times, in which he expressed fear that āwell-intentioned peopleā might be ādeceivedā by Campbell: āI cannot but look upon the barefaced assertions ā¦ as a deliberate misrepresentation to catch the unaware, to assist in forming an opposition Bible Society, and to raise a subscription. His own statements, in fact, prove it to be soā (emphasis added). To this, Campbell published a long and theatrical response, in which the phrase āI charge Mr Spottiswoode with misrepresentation!ā (emphasis in original) is a constant refrain. Note, though, the allegation of financial dishonesty made by Spottiswoode.
The Saturdayās reference to Campbellās notoriety, though, alludes to a previous article about him written in August 1861, entitled āThe Rev Dr Campbell, The Last Defender of the Faithā (āthe Defender articleā). (We can assume this is the first ā possibly only other ā article written about Campbell since it states, āwe never heard of Dr Campbell hithertoā.) This ridiculed Campbell for his part in a hoax (which the Saturday may have implemented). Campbell had written letters to Prince Albert accusing him of being a Jesuit.16 He published these in the Ensign and British Standard (and, later, a handy volume) and encouraged his followers to buy multiple copies for distribution amongst the ignorant. Later, he published encouragement received from āRev Henry Wilkinsā, who praised his efforts ā and was mocked by the Saturday for doing so: āAlas! For human credulity. It might have occurred to anybody of less boundless vanity and matchless impudence than the editor of the British Standard to look at the Clergy List ā¦ [since the correspondent] only existed in the ingenious imagination [of a hoaxer]ā.
Two features of this article relate to the Heathen. First, the allegation that Campbellās chief motivation was profit appears here: āAmong other dodges for circulating his newspaper, [Campbell] started the scheme of getting contributions to āassist in distributing 100,000 copies of the Ensign.ā This is the euphemism of Dr Campbell for pocketing exactly 100,000d.ā Secondly, the Saturday mocks the reference to the āHonourable Charlotte Margaretta Thompsonā, who, Campbell claims, is pivotal to the success of scheme by subscribing generously. These two features tell us much about the Saturdayās grounds for the claims they would later make in the Heathen article; it is why they thought Campbell was a swindler (as Andrew Spottiswoode had too).
That later scheme, as with this one, involved Campbell writing more letters, this time to Queen Victoria herself, imploring the Queen to evangelise the Chinese āheathenā. As before, he implored his followers to buy multiple copies of his letters (published in the British Standard and Ensign) to fund missionary work in China. āHe addressed his readers as his friends of truth as it is in Jesus, and after speaking of the salvation of man and the glory of God called upon them to increase the circulation by five times what it was on the publication of the Prince Consort lettersā.17 Also, as before, Campbell praised the ānoble exampleā of Mrs Thompson, who had pledged 5,000 copies, and also, the Earl of Gainsborough, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and various anonymous individuals, including those described as āR.Gā, āa London Ministerā and āan Old Soldierā.
B.The Saturday Review: āOne thing I always like to have ā ā¦ hatred of the Saturday ā¦ and the love of God...