One discrepancy that struck scholars early on was the question of what alphabet Moses would have used to write down the text. The earliest evidence of Hebrew lettering dates to the tenth century BC as it derived from Phoenician script, which the Hebrews in Egypt would have come into contact with only after the return from slavery in Egypt to the land of Canaan. Since the book of Exodus says that Moses did not enter the promised land, it seems unlikely he would have written the text in Hebrew. It is unlikely that Moses learned to write Hebrew when he was in exile in Midian for forty years because that was again before the Hebrew alphabet was invented, as far as we know. Of course, one could also suggest that he wrote in Egyptian demotic, which he presumably knew and which would have been translated later into Hebrew. Again, we have no evidence either physical or linguistic for that hypothesis, and thus far no one has found any evidence in the text of Egyptian linguistic influence.
Finally, as Biblical scholar John H. Hayes (1934â2013) described it, the absence of âexternal frames of reference makes it impossible to connect any of the events depicted about Moses with the history of other cultures.â Not even the pharaoh of the Exodus from Egypt is given a name. Nor is Moses mentioned in any contemporary source outside the Bible.
Moses: Historical Person or Mythical Figure?
Another problem is that some scholars began to question whether Moses was a historical person or a mythical figure of Hebrew folklore instead. And if he was a historical person, what can we say about him? The historian Ernest Renan (1823â1892) asserted that although Moses âvery probably existed,â he âis completely buried by the legends which have grown up over him.â It was the Biblical scholar Julius Wellhausen (1844â1918) who first argued that the Moses of the Bible is a later fiction of the priests who wrote the Bible. Hayes mentions that âmany of the stories [associated with Moses] are legendary in character and are built on folktale motifs found in various cultures.â Even the name âMosesâ has raised questions. It is doubtful that the daughter of Pharaoh would have given a foundling a name derived from Hebrew, because in the context of a Hebrew-male-killing pharaoh, giving the infant a Hebrew name would have signaled its origins. The biblical scholar Richard Elliott Friedman (b. 1946) compares the name Moses to the English name Drew (as in âI drew him outâ). If, say, the dictator of Tyrranistan ordered all male English infants killed in his country, someone in the dictatorâs family naming a foundling Drew would not have been such a wise thing to do.
The name Moses, however, does mean âchildâ in ancient Egyptian and can be found, for example, in the names of pharaohsâRa-m(o)ses, where Ra represents his patron god. Friedman pointed out that seven other of the Israelites in Egypt mentioned in the Pentateuch have Egyptian names, all from the house of Levi, so it is not out of the ordinary for Hebrews in Egypt mentioned in the Pentateuch to have Egyptian names. If Moses was such an Egyptian name, then the story provided in Exodus of its having a Hebrew origin could have been to give the person who led the Hebrews out of Egypt more bona fide Hebrew credentials.
To be sure, the existence of Moses as a historical person has its defenders. The popular historian Paul Johnson, for example, mounted an energetic defense:
He [Moses] illustrates the fact, which great historians have always recognized, that mankind does not invariably progress by imperceptible steps but sometimes takes a giant leap, often under the dynamic propulsion of a solitary, outsize personality. That is why the contention of Wellhausen and his school that Moses was a later fiction and the Mosaic code a fabrication of the post-Exilic priests in the second half of the first millennium BCâa view still held by some historians todayâis scepticism carried to the point of fanaticism, a vandalizing of the human record. Moses was beyond the power of the human mind to invent, and his power leaps out from the page of the Bible narrative, as it once imposed itself on a difficult and divided people, often little better than a frightened mob.
Moses may have been a real person in the historical past, but Johnsonâs argument is not a good one in favor of it. First, Wellhausenâs skepticism about the reliability of the Bible as a historical source for the events being described has been a legitimate way of studying the Bible since the nineteenth century. Both Johnsonâs hyperbole and his attempt to denigrate approaches other than his own smacks more of fanaticism than Wellhausenâs methodical discussion does. Second, Johnson uses the argument that the human mind is incapable of inventing someone of the power of the Moses character in the Bible. Yet it would appear that the Moses of the Bible is a composite character who is presented sometimes favorably and sometimes unfavorably in the text. To argue that a character is beyond the power of the human mind to create is not a good criterion for deciding the historicity of an individual. How many fictional characters are equally if not more powerful than the evidence indicates for those who are presented as being real, historical people? Does not Raskolnikov in Crime and Punishment or even Sherlock Holmes come across as more powerful personalities, more real than say Narmer or even Hammurabi about whom claims have been made that they changed history? Is the Moses of the Bible more powerful as a character than Raskolnikov or Sherlock Holmes? The only difference would seem to be that characters in novels are presented as fictional whereas Moses is presented as having existed in the real, historical past. But would a historian one thousand years from now understand that Sherlock Holmes was meant to be understood as a fictional character? Finally, Johnson seemed to be practicing a brand of exemplar historical writing here. He seems to be saying historians know that larger-than-life personalities change the course of history, and Moses was one of those. Therefore, he must have existed because history was changed. Again, Johnsonâs argument can be faulted on the basis that he assumes Mosesâs existence as part of his argument. In other words, his argument is circular. Besides, there are any number of comic book superheroes whose exploits have changed the course of history in fiction, but Johnson would not argue that they have to exist thereby.
For our purposes, we can assign Moses a place in the virtual past because it is easier to explain the evidence that way. If we posit that Moses was a completely mythical character, then we would have to explain why the writers of the Bible created him. If the stories are fictional, then it would seem a better way to get people to believe them would be by wrapping them around a real person, such as George Washington and the cherry tree or the Hitler diaries. From the style of it, we can conclude that the writers of the Bible were hoping people would believe their stories, no matter how fantastic the events described in them may be. Therefore, it is probable that Moses was a real, historical individual. Whether he did all the things attributed to him is altogether another matter. Even the archaeologist William G. Dever (b. 1933), who is among those who consider Moses to be âa mythical figure,â has suggested that âa Moses-like figure may have existed somewhere in the southern Transjordan in the mid-late thirteenth century B.C.â To be sure, the distinction between a âMosesâ and a âMoses-like figureâ may be a little too fine for some people who would prefer to merge the two. In any case, it brings us back to Renanâs position of over 130 years ago.
Another reason scholars are dubious of a Mosaic authorship is there is so much evidence in the text that is difficult to explain if we assume Moses (or a Moses-like figure) is the author or even that there is a single author. The historian J. Kenneth Kuntz (b. 1934) has categorized this evidence into five types:
(1) duplication of narrative accounts;
(2) internal contradictions;
(3) anachronisms and other problems of chronology;
(4) presence of diverse literary styles;...