SELF-HELPâS PORTABLE WISDOM
A âTHIN CULTUREâ
When discussing self-help, intellectuals tend to begin with the bad: self-help as an instrument of neoliberal governance, a tool of systemic oppression, or an agent of colonial subjection. For a change, this chapter begins with the good. In addition to being a âtechnologyâ used to discipline citizens and manage populations (see Foucault and Rimke),1 self-help has historically served another, curatorial function: to mine, collate, and reorganize the archive of textual counsel for the purposes of inspiring self-transformation. If the literary text is a âtissue of quotations,â2 then the self-help book is even more so. The genreâs manic citational practice is already operative in the case of Samuel Smilesâs 1859 Self-Help, the Âcentral case study of this chapter, which uses quotations from authors as various as William Shakespeare, John Milton, John Keats, Walter Scott, John Ruskin, and John Stuart Mill, and it carries through to Dale Carnegieâs zealous collating of the life advice of thinkers from Sigmund Freud to John Dewey, Dorothy Dix, William James, and Lin Yutang. As Iâll show, Smilesâs Self-Help offers a keyhole into self-helpâs embroilment in translation, popularization, and canon formation. In a striking example of self-helpâs cultural authority, countless readers in Britain and beyond first encountered the classic literature of the West through Smilesâs Victorian handbook. In late nineteenth-century Meiji Japan, for example, Self-Help was so influential that the authors it praised became instant sensations, whereas the authors it neglected to mention remained largely untranslated.3
Patricia Neville laments that âperhaps one of the most glaring omissions from the self-help book canon has been the absence of globalization, either as a theorizing construct or operational framework against which we could chart, plot, and measure the breadth and width of contemporary self-help book culture.â4 In the interest of redressing this gap, I have assembled a motley community of readers who have used self-help texts such as Smilesâs as occasions to articulate a critical perspective of Western modernityâs key tenets. Early self-help, and the patchwork, didactic hermeneutic it advocates, defined individualsâ first experiences with literary works and acquired the status of a gateway to cultural literacy around the world. Self-helpâs globalized presence has only intensified over time. New York Times writer Azadeh Moaveni observes that, in Iranian bookstores, âself-help books and their eclectic offshoots, on topics like Indian spirituality and feng shui, enjoy the most prominent position.â5 In Egypt, notes Jeffrey T. Kenney, the self-help industry has grown âdramaticallyâ since 2000, with both Islamic self-help authors and translations of works by Carnegie, Tony Robbins, and Rhonda Byrne, among many others, stocked on local shelves.6
Research into self-helpâs global reception reveals that âculture in actionâ7 does not operate through a unilateral movement from source to recipientâas reception theory traditionally claimedâbut through a complex and ongoing process of negotiation, qualification, and selection. Sociologist Paul Lichterman proposes the term thin culture to describe the âshared understandingâ among self-help readers that âthe words and concepts put forth in these books can be read and adopted loosely, tentatively, sometimes interchangeably, without enduring conviction.â8 In opposition to accounts of the genreâs homogeneous neoliberal influence, he explains that we should not âassume in advance that we know how strong or how unified an ideological message it is that self-help book readers read out of their books, nor that they are passive receivers of what âideologiesâ they may read out.â9
Self-help books in a street market in old Delhi.
Credit: Leah Price, 2018.
The self-help hermeneutic binds this global community of utilitarian readers, whose first encounters with such popular manuals often occur at critical historic junctures when traditional cultural values are upended.10 To give just a few examples, self-help activity spiked in Japan following the 1867 collapse of the Tokugawa shogunate, which created an urgent demand for shortcuts to the modernization that the country had closed itself off from for over two hundred years; it flourished in Ghana and Nigeria in the years leading up to independence (1957 and 1960, respectively); and it is exploding today in the post-socialist Peopleâs Republic of China, where the ideology complements the societyâs intensely competitive market economy.11 It would be easy to bemoan self-helpâs influx during such transitional periods as the opportunism of Western capitalism inserting itself into a vulnerable and impressionable populace. Yet for such nonsynchronous communities of readers, self-help culture is not received in the form of a monolithic and authoritarian ideology to replace the political ones only just overcome, but adopts the portable, objectified status of an âobjet trouvĂ©.â12
It is time to bring together the wealth of sociological data regarding self-help reading practices around the world, practices that raise germane issues of bibliography, reception, circulation, and cultural exchange, and to place this data in conversation with literary studies. In this chapter, I argue that Smilesâs Self-Help initiated a pattern of cultural transmission through self-help literature that continues to be strong into the present day. The bookâs reception furnishes a portal onto the mechanisms of literatureâs transmission through vernacular genres around the globe. Self-help not only transmits literary culture but also introduces an element of taxonomic confusion into preexisting institutional bibliographic arrangements. This unsettling of generic and cultural classifications implemented by self-helpâs early readers has become a formal strategy of contemporary novels, or what I call âhow-to fictions,â and is exemplified by Tash Awâs Five Star Billionaire (2013), the subject of this chapterâs concluding sections. Hybridized novels like Awâs reveal that the pastiche methodology of self-helpâs first readers has become a mainstream conceit of contemporary novelists. Self-help has become a transmedia industry that implicates us allâaesthetes and entrepreneurs, critics and lay readersâin its expanding cultural matrix.
THE SMILES HEARD ROUND THE WORLD
When Smiles self-financed Self-Help in 1859 (the same year Charles Darwinâs On the Origin of Species appeared), it quickly became an international sensation even though, Smiles confessed, âthere was nothing in the slightest degree new in this counsel, which was as old as the Proverbs of Solomon, and possibly quite as familiar.â13 Samurai in Japan reportedly camped out overnight to buy a copy, earning Self-Help the moniker âThe Bible of the Meiji.â14 And Smiles loved to recount that the khedive of Egypt inscribed his maxims on his harem walls, right beside lines from the Qurâan.15
The choppy structure of Smilesâs text, composed of more than three hundred biographical sketches, maxims, and anecdotes, invited the portable, serendipitous reading methods more commonly associated with biblical sortes (chance selections of the Bible). But perhaps the most striking feature of Smilesâs text is its unabashed reliance on very long and tedious lists that rival anything found, for example, in Joyceâs Ulysses. Self-Help includes endless catalogs of successful men (only men) who rose from obscure origins to achieve professional recognition:
The common class of day-laborers has given us Brindley the engineer, Cook the navigator, and Burns the poet. Masons and bricklayers can boast of Ben Johnson, who worked at the building of Lincolnâs Inn, with a trowel in his hand and a book in his pocket, Edwards and Telford the engineers, Hugh Miller the geologist, and Allan Cunningham the writer and sculptor; whilst among distinguished carpenters we find the names of Inigo Jones the architect, Harrison the chronometer-maker, John Hunter the physiologist, Romney and Opie the painters, Professor Lee the Orientalist, and John Gibson the sculptor.16
Contemporary readers may be incredulous that a book so popular could contain so many dry and lengthy catalogs. But Smilesâs readers found these inventories anything but dull; their sheer quantity intensified and substantiated Self-Helpâs thrilling promises of upward mobility. Smilesâs emulative heuristic, which resonated so forcibly around the world, is communicated as much through the bookâs form as through its content. Indeed, self-helpâs almost mystical veneration of the transcendent power of the list to conjure oneâs desires is already germinating in Smilesâs inventories. This power of the list eventually came to be exploited by cult best-sellers such as R. H. Jarrettâs 1926 âlittle red bookâ It Works, which guides readers toward making their âdreams came trueâ through the composition of successive lists of their goals that they are then instructed to review and repeat several times a day.17 From Franklinâs list of virtues to Smilesâs inventories to Redditâs listsicles, the list has become a staple of self-help discourse.
Though Smilesâs book helped to lay the groundwork of the contemporary improvement handbook, it was also very much a product of the self-culture of its time, whose other proponents included G. J. Holyoakeâs Self-Help by the People (1857) and Timothy Claxtonâs Hints to Mechanics on Self-Education and Mutual Instruction (1833), among others.18 Although self-help is typically assigned Anglo-American origins, an important precedent being John Lillie Craikâs 1830 The Pursuit of Knowledge Under Difficulties, Illustrated by Anecdotes,19 two of Smilesâs most influential models were French: Louis AimĂ©-Martinâs Education des Meres de Famille [The Education of Mothers] (1840) and Baron de GĂ©randoâs Du Perfectionnement moral, ou de lâĂducation de soi-mĂȘme [Self-Education: Or the Means and Art of Moral Progress] (1833), which was also a key influence on the New England transcendentalists.20 In addition, as Vladimir Trendafilovâs careful genealogy indicates, the phrase âself-helpâ had precedents in the writings of Carlyle and Emerson, and likely was coined in an editorial by Smilesâs predecessor Robert Nicoll in the Leeds Times of September 3, 1836.21
Self-Helpâs serial pedagogy and investment in the drama of upward mobility found parallel expression in the Victorian Bildungsroman which sometimes extended (Adam Bede) and sometimes parodied (Great Expectations) Smilesâs approach.22 But one of many significant differences between Self-Help and the periodâs fiction concerns their opposing stances on the aesthetic merit of failure. Early critics of Smilesâs book objected to its focus on men who have succeeded and its neglect of those who have floundered: âWhy should not Failure,â they asked, âhave its Plutarch as well as Success?â Smiles responded: âReaders do not care to know about the general who lost his battles, the engineer whose engines blew up, the architect who designed only deformities, the painter who never got beyond daubs,â23 a point that key practitioners of the novel genre, such as Gustave Flaubert and George Eliot, seemed determined to disprove.
For this reason, Victorianists often read Smilesâs book as a foil for the periodâs success-wary fiction. A striking example of this dynamic is Dickensâs âanti-Cinderella story,â as Jerome Meckier calls Great Expectations, which is read as an inquiry into the moral quandaries and inevitable disappointments raised by the dramatic social ascent Self-Help promises. Tellingly, as Meckier notes, Self-Help sold twenty thousand copies in its first year, compared to the 3,750 copies sold of Great Expectations.24 Smilesâs sales âfar exceeded those of the great nineteenth-century novels,â Asa Briggs observes.25 There are numerous intriguing examples of rivalry and exchange between Smilesâs Self-Help and the periodâs fiction, but a lesser-known Smiles rebuttal is found in H. G. Wellsâs 1894 story âThe Jilting of Jane,â about a servant girl whose fiancĂ© William, a second porter in a draperâs shop, reads a copy of ââSmilesâ âElp Yourselfââ given to him by his employer, which inspires him to adopt the posture of a gentleman and abandon his promise to poor Jane in favor of...