Elaborating the history, variety, pervasiveness, and function of the adornments and ornaments with which we beautify ourselves, this book takes in human prehistory, ancient civilizations, hunter-foragers, and present-day industrial societies to tell a captivating story of hair, skin, and make-up practices across times and cultures.
From the decline of the hat, the function of jewelry and popularity of tattooing to the wealth of grave goods found in the Upper Paleolithic burials and body painting of the Nuba, we see that there is no one who does not adorn themselves, their possessions, or their environment. But what messages do these adornments send? Drawing on aesthetics, evolutionary history, archaeology, ethology, anthropology, psychology, cultural history, and gender studies, Stephen Davies brings together African, Australian and North and South American indigenous cultures and unites them around the theme of adornment. He shows us that adorning is one of the few social behaviors that is close to being genuinely universal, more typical and extensive than the high-minded activities we prefer to think of as marking our species â religion, morality, and art.
Each chapter shows how modes of decoration send vitally important signals about what we care about, our affiliations and backgrounds, our social status and values. In short, by using the theme of bodily adornment to unify a very diverse set of human practices, this book tells us about who we are.

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1
The Sungir Children
We Homo sapiens are decorators. We adorn our bodies, clothing, possessions, and environments. Sometimes we invest great wealth in the practice, but at others we use what comes readily to hand. We plait necklaces of flowers. We mark our skin with soot and clay. Even our most functional tools are often embellished with marks and patterns. We do not do these things only casually or occasionally. Rather, we act as if we are pathologically obsessed with decorating and beautifying our lives.
Indeed, the argument of this book is that our commitment to adornment is at least as distinctive of us as a species as are the more elevated behaviors that are often mentioned as touchstones of our humanityâreligion, morality, and art. Decoration shares their historical signature. Itâs similarly universal and valued, though it presents a more modest, ordinary character than what is portrayed by religion, ethics, and art, which can be puffed up with self-importance. And while not everyone is a theist, or shares the common moral code, or participates in artful activities, itâs extremely difficult to find any person who rejects all forms of adornment. (By the way, Iâll use a number of termsâsuch as adornment, decoration, embellishment, ornament, beautification, enhancementâas near synonyms.)

The Ubiquity of Decoration
The topic of decoration is a strangely neglected one. Ornament is perhaps underestimated and overlooked precisely because itâs so ubiquitous. Itâs so common that it isnât remarkable and, therefore, isnât remarked upon. Every mature person, with hardly any exception, decorates themselves, their clothes and possessions, their living quarters, and their wider environment. Donât focus on glamorous models and the accouterments of stardom. Think instead of how many people cultivate flower gardens and houseplants, for instance. Of how many choose their earrings or ties with care as they dress for special occasions, or even for ordinary ones. Of how they personalize their living space with pictures and knickknacks. And think how often people have strong, fastidious preferences about such matters.
Style and fashion, home and garden are perennially fascinating. They annually sell millions of magazines and all the things discussed and advertised in those magazines. Clothing, shoes, jewelry, and makeup drive major global industries. Our floor coverings, wallpaper, handheld electronic devices, watches, cars, and material culture more widely often serve subsidiary, but nevertheless important, adorning functions. Our decorative instinct pervades all facets of our lives. As a species, weâre infatuated with embellishment.
The adoption of ornaments is usually not compulsory, however. Living in over-crowded cities, as most now do, itâs not necessary to proclaim ethnic or clan membership through the use of insignia. And some people will deliberately reject familiar forms of personal adornment. They avoid makeup and adopt drably functional clothing. Acting this way might signal non-conformity, rebellion, or indifference. In special cases, the removal of adornments can signify high statusâPh.D. gowns often are less gaudy than those for lower degrees and medical specialists revert from Dr. to Mr. or Ms.
Nevertheless, an interest in decoration is likely to appear somewhere in the lives of everyone. The person who dresses plainly might arrange flowers, ostentatiously display the latest phone, or favor fine china for drinking tea. One way or another, everyone shows an interest in decorating themselves and their lives and in considering the decorations adopted by others. At the same time, so creative are we in our approach to the task that there is considerable individual, cultural, and historical diversity in expressions of the disposition.
The claim made here is that adornment is not merely apparent in every culture, but that it is nearer to being universalâsomething every person doesâthan any other human behavior. This is a bold and ambitious thesis. But as will emerge through our exploration of different cultures and ages, it would be hard to over-exaggerate our commitment to decoration or the importance of the messages conveyed by our use of adornment.
To start building the case for our central theme, weâll commence in a rather unusual placeâsome very old, isolated graves. The dead, as well as the living, can deserve to be adorned.

The Sungir Burials
We open with some graves dated to about 27,000 years ago. Perhaps surprisingly, that is not to start at adornmentâs chronological beginning, as weâll discover when we review evidence from prehistory in Chapter 4. Instead, itâs the extraordinary wealth of their decoration that makes these graves a fitting place to initiate our investigation.
In the period known as the Upper Paleolithic, a man of around forty-five years of age was buried in an ochre-stained grave in a small, seasonal settlement on the Mammoth Steppe. The site is now known as Sungir and is about 118 miles (190 kilometers) north of Moscow. This grave is noteworthy for the quality and quantity of the funerary goods it contained. About 3,000, mostly cylindrical, mammoth-ivory beads decorated the manâs clothing and Arctic fox canine teeth adorned his headdress. Around his arms were twenty-five mammoth-ivory bracelets painted red and black. A stone pendant, colored red and marked with a black dot, lay on his chest. Near the surface of the grave was a womanâs skull, surrounded by ochre.
Spectacular as this bounty is, a slightly later burial very close to the manâs interment went yet further. This grave, again drenched in ochre, contained a boy aged about twelve years and a girl of about ten years buried head-to-head in a straight line (Plates 1 and 2). 4,903 mammoth-ivory beads surrounded the boy and about 5,400 were located around the girl. As in the other grave, these beads would have been attached to clothing. Long ivory pins at the childrenâs throats probably were used to secure their cloaks.
In addition, the boy had a belt decorated with 250 pierced Arctic fox canine teeth. At his chest was a small ivory carving of an animal (Plate 1). A small sculpture of a mammoth, also in ivory, was located under his shoulder. Beside him was an eight-foot (2.5-meter) lance or spear carved from a straightened mammoth tusk. This was too heavy to be used as a weapon or for hunting and most likely had a ceremonial function. Alongside the girl was a lance of five feet five inches (1.7 meters) and at least ten small spears plus pierced batons, all of ivory. As well, the grave held a number of disk-shaped, perforated ivory pendants. Also included was an adult human thighbone, the inner cavity of which was packed with ochre.
Beads, stone pendants, animal figurines, and pierced fox canines are found scattered across the site of the Sungir settlement, perhaps suggesting that its inhabitants regularly sported clothing adorned with them. Itâs very unlikely, however, that everyday clothing would have been as richly ornamented as that worn in these remarkable burials. Moreover, there is no evidence that other members of the Sungir community received ritual burial. Itâs not even clear that burial was widely practiced there. Only five other, less well-preserved graves are known for the Sungir community and these lacked grave goods.
The treasure trove represented by the graves of the man and children provides undeniable testimony to the importance of their occupants. Whether these goods were owned by the community or by the individuals concerned, those who were buried were obviously deemed the final recipients.
Around Sungir, mammoth bones and ivory probably littered the landscape. They were used as framing for the constructions in which people lived and as fuel for their fires. The material for most of the grave artifacts was not rare, then. Nevertheless, because of its hardness ivory is difficult to work. One way to get a sense of the enormous wealth of the goods involved is by considering the effort that went into their production.
Take the beads. The method of their manufacture is known from partially completed beads at the site and from prehistoric bead âfactoriesâ found elsewhere. The time for the production of one bead is estimated at forty-five minutes to two hours. At forty-five minutes per piece, the 10,000-plus beads of the childrenâs grave represent 240 forty-hour weeks of labor for one person. (That is, more than four and a half years.) Moreover, bead making was not a casual community pastime for these people. The uniform size, shape, and finish of these beads suggest they were made by specialist craftspeople, probably working on site. Given the number of beads manufactured, they may have been excused the subsistence tasks imposed on ordinary members of the group.
Itâs noteworthy that the childrenâs beads are about two-thirds the size of those in the manâs grave. Miniaturization of childrenâs decorations has been found at a number of Upper Paleolithic burial sites. So, the small size of these beads implies that they were made for these children. This, along with other circumstantial evidence, has been taken to imply the possibility that one or both of their deaths was sacrificial. But even if the beads were made for them to wear on auspicious occasions, not solely and specifically to adorn their grave clothes, here is further evidence of the importance of these children in the eyes of their community.
No less striking than the number of beads is the out-sized lance. It had to be a demanding technical feat to straighten the naturally curled mammoth tusk and to carve it into a single piece eight feet in length. In fact, no one now knows for sure how that can be done. And at four canine teeth per fox, 250 canines represent a significant investment, especially if we recall that foxes were not hunted for food, though their fur, as well their teeth, was esteemed.
So, the grave goods at Sungir represent a huge treasure. And of course, this hoard was buried in the ground and was intended to remain there with the dead. The final bearers of the ornaments must have been extraordinarily wealthy or have been owed massively expensive tribute. The artifacts that surround their bodies testify to them being people of the utmost importance.
The Sungir burials are amazing in their extravagance and antiquity. And they are mystifying, tempting us to speculate what led to the deaths of the children. But in other respects they could not be more mundanely human and easy to understand. The Sungir graves dramatize what is a common human obsession with ornamentation.

Decorations as Social Signalers
The Sungir inhumations warn us against dismissing decorations as trivial or meaningless. Indeed, the practice of adornment may have played a crucial role in human cultural evolution. The accumulation of knowledge requires that we pass on cultural information and skills faithfully from one generation to the next, despite the huge amount of informational ânoiseâ in the cultural environment. For particular bits of cultural knowledge, some teachers will be much more apt and successful than others. But how do learners identify those with specialist skills or information?
If the group is small, this may be a matter of common knowledge, but where itâs larger, guidance is likely to be needed. One method of indicating the experts in guilds and trades can be in terms of distinctively ornamented garbs and the like. Think of the chefâs hat, the mayorâs chains of office, and the military officerâs braid. Differences in personal ornament help us to distinguish between people and, sometimes, to identify people as special.
More generally, ornaments send all sorts of socially relevant signals, as weâll discover in more detail in later chapters. They tell us who is married, who is rich, who holds what office, who affiliates with this or that group, ethnicity, religion, and so on. So, adornments help us negotiate the intricacies of social relations and interpersonal communication, as well as facilitating the transmission of culture more broadly.
In the case of material culture, ornaments add value, with the level or nature of adornment and the skill invested in creating it suited to the cost of what is adorned. The more expensive the source, the more the degree of embellishment augments its value. So, for instance, difficult-to-work mammoth ivory was primarily reserved by Cro-MagnonsâHomo sapiens in Europe from about 40,000 years agoâfor highly valued beads and sculptures.
Incidentally, the connection between ornament and value gave rise to a behavior that is probably a stronger marker of our Homo sapiens mentality even than art or religion! In the distant past, the most valuable decorations were sometimes forged, using cheaper ones. Common or large-scale items, such as mammoth i...
Table of contents
- Cover
- Half-Title Page
- Series Page
- Title Page
- Contents
- List of Illustrations
- Acknowledgments
- 1 The Sungir Children
- 2 What Adornment Is
- 3 Bodily Adornment Practices
- 4 Aesthetics and Adornment in Prehistory
- 5 Differences between Men and Women
- 6 Body Painting and Makeup
- 7 Scarification and Tattoos
- 8 Piercings, Plugs, and Jewelry
- 9 Clothing
- 10 BaliâSungir Writ Large
- 11 Conclusion
- Afterword
- Notes
- References
- Index
- Plates
- Copyright
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