Identity, Agency and the Acquisition of Professional Language and Culture

Ping Deters

• Publisher: Continuum
• Year: 2011
• Print ISBN: 9781623565749
• eBook ISBN: 9781441172433
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Languages & Linguistics
• Subtopic: Linguistics
• Index: Languages & Linguistics

With globalization and the ever-increasing migration of professionals, issues related to learning an additional language and culture in professional contexts are prominent in many contemporary societies. Drawing upon data from an extensive research study of internationally educated professionals, this book examines the affordances and constraints to successful professional acculturation, and the relationships between identity, agency, and the acquisition of professional language and culture. The author provides a succinct review of socially informed theories of second language acquisition, and presents a unique analysis of identity and agency that incorporates the work of Erik Erikson and George Herbert Mead with Vygotsky's sociocultural theory and Lave and Wenger's community of practice framework. Given the pervasive problem of the underemployment of internationally educated professionals in many contemporary immigrant-receiving societies, this book makes a timely contribution that not only advances scholarship but also has important practical and policy implications.

Chapter 1

Globalization and the Migration of Professionals

Globalization has transformed the world by creating increasingly integrated and interdependent states, economies, societies and cultures. One notable trend in recent decades is the increase in the scale and scope of international migration. According to the World Migration Report (2010), there are now almost 214 million international migrants. The number of international migrants has more than doubled since 1980, and has increased by almost 40 million over the past decade. Not only are there more international migrants, contemporary global migration involves a greater diversity of ethnic and cultural groups, more women as primary migrants, more temporary or circular migration and many more countries of origin and destination. International migration has been very high in public, political and media discourse, and this discourse has been highly polarized at national, regional and global levels:

International migration is an emotive issue because it raises complex questions about the identity and values of individuals, households and communities, as well as societies as a whole. International migration is a controversial matter because it highlights important questions about national identity, global equity, social justice and the universality of human rights. (Global Commission on International Migration, 2005, p. 10)

The countries with the largest numbers of international migrants in 2010 were the United States (42.8 million), the Russian Federation (12.3 million), Germany (10.8 million), Saudi Arabia (7.3 million), Canada (7.2 million), France (6.7 million), UK (6.5 million), Spain (6.4 million), India (5.4 million) and Ukraine (5.3 million). Münz (2010, p. 14) identified the US/Canada, the European Union 27 (including the European Economic Area countries and Switzerland), Russia, the Gulf States and Australia as being magnet societies for current international migration. Europe now matches North America in per capita net migration (3.0 per 1000) and Europe’s importance as a destination region is expected to increase in the coming decades (Boswell, 2005). The percentage of foreign-born and non-citizens in the total population is approximately 10 per cent in France, the Netherlands, Greece, Ireland and Belgium; 12 per cent in Sweden, the US, Germany and Austria; almost 20 per cent in Canada and New Zealand; and 22 per cent in Switzerland and Australia (Dumont & Lemaitre, 2005, cited in Hugo, 2005, p. 9).

In contemporary global migration, there has been an increase in emigration from countries of origin in Asia, Africa and Latin America to OECD destination countries. This has resulted in greater cultural diversity in OECD countries, and the integration of newcomers into destination societies and economies is a major and highly contested issue, particularly in Europe. Even in Australia and Canada, which are well known as settlement countries and where multiculturalism is official government policy, there are tensions between official and public discourses regarding the social and economic integration of immigrants. The Global Commission on International Migration (2005) stated that integration is a long-term and multidimensional process that requires commitment and adaptation on the part of migrants and citizens of a destination country. The integration of newcomers is essential for social cohesion in a society, which provides a sense of security and common purpose, and contributes to economic success. Key components of integration include proficiency in the official language of the destination country, the ability to find work and participation in the civil society.

This book contributes to international migration research by examining one prominent aspect of contemporary international migration: the professional integration of high-skilled immigrants. In this chapter, I provide the background and rationale for the research study that is the focus of this book. I begin with an overview of high-skilled labour migration trends. I then describe my research study context – immigrant professionals in the province of Ontario, Canada – and provide my rationale for focusing on immigrant teachers. I contextualize my study by discussing some key findings from previous research on the professional integration of immigrant teachers. Finally, I describe my personal connections to this topic.

1.1 High-skilled Immigrants: A Prominent Trend

The International Labour Organization estimated around 100 million migrant workers worldwide, including 18 million in North America and 30 million in Europe (Hugo, 2005, p. 2). In the years prior to the recent economic downturn, OECD countries experienced a period of sustained employment growth. Between 2003 and 2007, 30 million jobs were created, 20 million in OECD Europe. Given that the local labour force in many OECD countries has been shrinking as a result of an ageing population, migrant labour has been a significant part of employment growth (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 14). For example, between 1997 and 2007 in the UK, immigrant employment accounted for 75 per cent of employment growth (almost 1.5 out of 2 million positions). In the same time period, immigrant employment accounted for 58 per cent of employment growth in the United States (8.7 out of 15 million positions), and at least 40 per cent of total employment growth in Austria, Denmark, Italy and Spain (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 14).

Many OECD countries share a common demographic dilemma: an ageing population and declining replacement rates have resulted in labour market shortages. In addition, a shrinking labour force is not only problematic for maintaining economic productivity and growth, but in ageing nations, this also results in difficulties in maintaining pensions and social security programmes, and finding caregivers for a growing number of elderly persons (GCIM, 2005, p. 6). In 2005, Denmark, Germany, Italy and Japan already had retiring cohorts that were larger than incoming cohorts. By 2020, all OECD countries except Ireland, Mexico and Turkey are projected to experience a decline in the working-age population (Chaloff & Lemaitre, 2009, p. 13).

Thus, many of the most affluent countries in the world are dependent on immigration to meet labour market demands, and a number of OECD countries have introduced policies to facilitate the recruitment of high-skilled immigrants. The term ‘high-skilled’ can be defined in terms of educational attainment (at least tertiary), occupation type, or wage level (Chaloff & Lemaitre, 2009, p. 12). There are many benefits of labour migration, and in particular, high-skilled labour migration. In contemporary knowledge-based economies, human capital in the form of highly skilled workers is vital for innovation, productivity and economic growth. For example, Wimmer’s study on the Green Card programme for IT workers in Germany estimated that each high-skilled migrant created an average of 2.5 new jobs in Germany (cited in Boswell, 2005, p. 5). Labour migrants from diverse countries of origin bring different knowledge and skills, which can contribute to innovation. In addition, Hugo (2005) noted that migration is a highly selective process and that it is often the risk takers, entrepreneurs, hard working and skilled persons who are inclined to move, so their contribution to destination societies can be even greater.

There are two main ways of recruiting high-skilled migrants: demand-driven, through direct recruitment by employers, and supply-driven, where candidates are selected according to characteristics such as age, education, language proficiency and occupation (point system). Supply-driven systems are more problematic because immigrants arrive without jobs and may face barriers to entering their professions and finding work. One major barrier is the lack of official language proficiency. For countries that have a national language that is not widely spoken outside of the country, direct recruitment into a position is problematic unless an international language is spoken in the workplace that can serve as a transitional language while the migrant learns the official language of the destination country.

Discretionary high-skilled permanent labour migration has occurred mainly in Australia, Canada and New Zealand. Countries in Europe that have had active and large high-skilled worker migration programmes are Ireland, Switzerland and the UK. Switzerland recruits mainly from the European Union, while Ireland and the UK recruit from outside the Union. However, in contrast to traditional settlement countries that recruit permanent labour migration, most European countries offer temporary work permits.

Notable is the fact that high-skilled migration from countries outside the OECD to OECD countries has occurred mainly in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand and the UK, all countries with English as an official language. Switzerland, which also has high-skilled migration, has national languages spoken by larger neighbouring countries. Other OECD countries that have languages widely spoken beyond their borders – Belgium, France, Portugal and Spain – have had fewer high-skilled migrants. The major increases in migrant labour over the past decade in Portugal and Spain have been mainly for lesser-skilled occupations (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 102–103).

In recent years, Denmark and Norway have also been actively recruiting high-skilled immigrants. Both countries have national languages that are scarcely spoken beyond their borders, but have nevertheless managed to recruit high-skilled immigrants. In both countries, India is the principal source country. Since many residents can speak English in these two countries, immigrants who are recruited directly into employment can function in English while learning the national language (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 103).

With the recent downturn in the global economy, a number of OECD countries have changed their policies to reduce labour migration, but discretionary migration, especially in European countries, is only a small part of total migration. High-skilled migrants are also found in family reunification and humanitarian migration.

1.2 The Declassing of High-skilled Immigrants

A major issue concerning immigrants in high-skilled and professional occupations is their unemployment and underemployment. In Europe, for example, the percentage of immigrants in high-skilled and professional occupations is lower than the overall percentage of immigrants in the employed population. This reflects the concentration of immigrants in lower skilled occupations, either because of the migration of lower skilled persons and/or because of difficulties in entering high-skilled occupations. (Chaloff & Lemaitre, 2009, p. 5).

In terms of employment or unemployment rates or earnings, labour market outcomes for high-skilled immigrants trail those of the native-born in almost all OECD countries (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 108). According to a 2006 survey of eight European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden) and the United States, an average of 55 per cent of tertiary-educated immigrants were in high-skilled jobs compared to 70 per cent of tertiary-educated native-born persons; 4 per cent of tertiary-educated immigrants were in low-skill jobs compared to 1 per cent of native-born persons. In addition, the unemployment rate of tertiary-educated immigrants was 7 per cent compared to 3 per cent for native-born, and 19 per cent of tertiary-educated immigrants were not in the labour force, compared to 11 per cent of native-born (Chaloff & Lemaitre, 2009, p. 39). These figures speak to the deskilling of highly educated immigrants.

The deskilling and declassing of immigrant professionals is an economic and social issue. First, the unemployment and underemployment of highly educated immigrants result in wasted resources and human potential, and reduce their fiscal contribution through taxation. This impacts a destination country’s economic growth and prosperity. Second, the workplace provides an important context for the integration of newcomers. In this community-based context, immigrants and other members of a society can pursue common objectives and establish relationships, which can help to develop a sense of mutual respect. (GCIM, 2005, p. 47).

Immigrants in high-skilled or professional occupations face three major barriers: lack of proficiency in the destination country’s official language, transferability of foreign credentials and lack of local work experience. For example, after the EU enlargement, most high-educated migrants from the new accession countries generally sought and found lesser-skilled jobs in Ireland and the UK because their English proficiency was not sufficient for high-skilled jobs (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 165). Rosholm, Scott and Husted (2001, cited in SOPEMI, 2009, p. 110) maintained that the increasing importance of interpersonal communication skills – ‘soft’ skills – in the workplace has made it more difficult for high-skilled immigrants to achieve the same kinds of labour market outcomes as in the past. Thus, acquiring a high proficiency in an official language, which includes competence in cultural nuances in interpersonal communication, is essential for the labour market integration of high-skilled immigrants.

The Foreign Service Institute (FSI) of the US Department of State has estimated the number of hours of instruction required for a native English speaker to be able to speak and read at ‘General Professional Proficiency’. This corresponds to level three in a six-level scale varying from level zero (no proficiency) to level five (native or bilingual proficiency). At level three, a person is ‘able to speak the language with sufficient structural accuracy and vocabulary to participate effectively in most formal and informal conversations on practical, social and professional topics’ (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 176). The estimates are based on FSI students, who have previous foreign language learning experience and are considered to have good language aptitude. In addition, these students are taught in small classes (maximum six persons) and receive 25 hours of instruction per week. The students are also expected to complete three to four hours of self-study per day. Under these rather ideal language learning conditions, the estimated hours of instruction are 575–600 (23–24 weeks) for most Western European languages, such as Danish, Dutch, French, Italian or Swedish; 750 for German (30 weeks); 1 100 (44 weeks) for languages with significant linguistic and/or cultural differences with English, such as Greek, Hebrew, Russian, Tagalog, Turkish or Vietnamese; and 2 200 hours (88 weeks), with the second year of study in-country, for languages that are exceptionally difficult for native English speakers, such as Arabic, Japanese and Mandarin (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 165). These estimates for language instruction do not include the acquisition of writing proficiency, which would require many more hours of instruction. Clearly, learning an additional language in order to function in a professional context requires a significant amount of time and resources.

According to a recent OECD report, funded language instruction for immigrants comprises 2000 hours in Denmark, 1300 hours in Australia, 1200 hours in Canada, 600 hours in Germany, 400 hours in France and 200 hours in Belgium (SOPEMI, 2009, p. 165). With the exception of Denmark, comparing these figures with the US Foreign Service Institute’s estimated number of hours of instruction required to reach a general professional proficiency in speaking and reading reveals the gap between the number of funded language instructional hours for immigrants and what is needed by immigrants to function in professional contexts, particularly for immigrants who come from a language background that is significantly different from the destination country’s official language. Given the importance of language proficiency to the labour market and social integration of immigrants, many destination countries need to provide greater support for language instruction. In addition, high-skilled immigrants also require support in developing local work experience and networks.

1.3 Globalization in a Local Context: The Case of Immigrant Professionals in Ontario, Canada

Canada is well known as an immigration country. The most recent census data (Statistics Canada, 2007) reported that 1 110 000 newcomers came to Canada between 2001 and 2006. Over 58 per cent of recent immigrants were born in Asia (including the Middle East), and over 70 per cent of the foreign-born population in 2006 reported a mother tongue other than English or French. The largest proportion (18.6 per cent) reported Chinese languages. Ontario receives the majority of immigrants to Canada. In 2006, 52 per cent of immigrants to Canada settled in Ontario, and 40 per cent settled in the Greater Toronto Area. The foreign-born population in the Greater Toronto Area is 45.7 per cent of the total population, which makes Toronto one of the most culturally diverse cities in the world.

In recent decades, active recruitment of high-skilled immigrants through a supply-driven point system has resulted in a high influx of immigrant professionals who are granted residency status because of their education and occupational training in high-demand areas. Thousands of internationally educated professionals arrive in Canada each year with the hope and expectation of finding work in their profession, but instead face entry barriers (e.g., Basran & Zong, 1998; Salaff & Greve, 2005; Zong, 2004, Zhu, 2005). The major barriers to employment identified by both immigrant job seekers and Canadian managers are assessment and transferability of foreign credentials, lack of Canadian work experience and insufficient official language skills (Canadian Labour & Business Centre, 2002). The lack of official language skills, that is, English or French, was identified by 22 per cent of immigrant job seekers and 66 per cent of private and public sector managers as being problematic for labour market participation. According to a recent report of the Longitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (Schellenberg & Maheux, 2007, p. 22), the top two difficulties identified by economic immigrants 4 years after arrival were: finding an adequate job (54.2 per cent), and learning an official language/language barrier (22.9 per cent).

A major problem for immigrant professionals in Canada has been the lack of funded language instruction to help learners achieve a proficiency that is required in professional workplaces. Bridging programmes for professionals attempt to fill this gap, but enrolment is often restricted and funding for such programmes is often short-term. As a result, many immigrant professionals have to enrol in fee-paying courses to further upgrade their skills in the official language. In addition, the recertification process for many regulated professions often involves achieving a high score on a standardized test of language proficiency.

There have been a number of studies that focus on the underemployment of immigrant professionals in Canada, and although the issue of language skills has emerged from the findings (e.g., Basran & Zong, 1998; Boyd & Thomas, 2001; Kadkhoda, 2002; Kunz, Milan & Schetagne, 2000; Salaff & Greve, 2005; Zong, 2004), many previous studies on labour migration have been conducted by economists and typically draw upon demographic census data and labour market outcomes. To date, few studies have focused specifically on the second language acquisition process of immigrant professionals. Given the importance of the acquisition of official language skills for the social and economic integration of immigrants, research from the field of applied linguistics has the potential to make an important contribution to the literature on global migration and the integration of immigrants. The purpose of my study on immigrant professionals in Canada and their acquisition of professional language and culture is to make such a contribution.

My study focuses on internationally educated teachers with various subject specializations in the publicly funded Kindergarten-to-Grade-12 (K-12) school system and Colleges of Applied Arts and Technology (CAATs) in the province of Ontario. In Canada, immigrants who are educated and certified as teachers in other countries are referred to as ‘internationally educated teachers’. In other contexts such as Australia, the UK and the US, the terms ‘overseas trained teachers’, ‘foreign trained teachers’ and ‘international teachers’ are used. In this book, I will use the term internationally educated teachers and acronym (IET) interchangeably with the term immigrant teachers. In the 1990s, 6.2 per cent of immigrant professionals in Canada were in the Educational Services category (Canadian Labour & Business Centre, 2004, p. 11). While immigrant teachers are not the most common profession of recent immigrants, for example, there are higher numbers of engineers (27.6 per cent), there are important reasons for focusing on internationally educated teachers.

First, internationally educated teachers have an especially high rate of unemployment and underemployment (Lum, Chassels, & Rasheed, 2008). In a survey conducted in the province of British Columbia, internationally educated teachers were the group of immigrant professionals who were second-most commonly identified with unemployment or underemployment (CBMercer ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Chapter 1.Globalization and the Migration of Professionals
• Chapter 2.Social Perspectives on Identity and Agency in SLA Research
• Chapter 3.Qualitative Research in SLA
• Chapter 4.Affordances and Constraints in the Acquisition of Professional Language and Culture
• Chapter 5.The Professional Acculturation Journeys of Two Schoolteachers from Different Times and Places
• Chapter 6.Professional Integration in Two Contexts: A Chemical Engineer in Canada and an Architect in Denmark
• Chapter 7.The Lived Professional Acculturation Experiences of a Teacher from Hong Kong: A Longitudinal Case Study
• Chapter 8.From Local to Global: Research Findings and Their Application to Other Contexts
• Appendices
• Notes
• References
• Index