1
Digital deliria and transformative hype
In some ways we are the canary down the mine, the first battle ground, but behind us goes anyone who creates anything that can be turned into data . . .
PETER GABRIEL
Since the 1960s Simon Napier-Bell has worked as a songwriter, record producer and author. However, he is best known as the manager of a number of successful international recording acts including Eric Clapton and the Yardbirds, Marc Bolan and T-Rex, Boney-M, Japan and Wham. In a 2008 newspaper article entitled âThe Life and Crimes of the Music Bizâ, he somewhat gleefully describes the music industry as âcareering towards meltdownâ (The Observer, Music Monthly, 20 January 2008: 41). Focusing on six key music industry executives from the present and recent past, Napier-Bell dramatically outlines how just four major music companies1 have usurped almost all rivals and grown to increasingly dominate a business that is âdistinctly medieval in character: the last form of indentured servitudeâ (ibid.). In Napier-Bellâs sensational account, a core group of notorious moguls control and operate these companies and use bullying and thuggery to extract products and performance from their employees and artists. He accuses these companies of being âintentionally fraudulentâ and practising âsystematic thieveryâ from their artists (ibid.: 45). However, he now sees each passing week heaping more gloom on these majors who are seeing their record sales plummet, and are consequently losing their grip on the industry as the internet renders the machinery of the music corporation obsolete. The music companies, Napier-Bell concludes, were never the âguardiansâ of the music industry, rather they were its greedy âbouncersâ who have now become irrelevant. The internet has produced, for artists and managers:
Napier-Bellâs account is decidedly sensational and we might consider that it reflects the biases he evolved over decades of negotiating and battling with the big industry players. Sensationalism aside, his perspective on the situation of the music industry in an evolving digital environment is illustrative of two commonly held and frequently relayed assumptions on the matter:
1The first is that major music companies â the âbad guysâ of the music industry â are facing potential ruin in light of recent and ongoing technological developments primarily centred around the internet.
2The second is that such technological developments, which enable the distribution and promotion of music online, have revolutionized the industryâs core structure by enabling interface between artists and consumers like never before. These developments are thus perceived as diminishing the power of major music companies in acting as intermediaries in artist-consumer relationships.
There is a commonly held assumption that new information and communication technologies (ICTs) are liberative for artists and that structural change in artist-intermediary-consumer relationships have been a net gain for the artist. Thus, the internet is widely perceived as having severely disrupted the roles and interests of established industry actors, thus producing a ânew music orderâ. In short, radical change driven by technology is widely viewed as the order of the day for the music industry in the digital era. Arguments that either celebrate or bemoan the advent of the internet as a medium for the distribution and promotion of music have dominated much commentary on the industry since the mid-1990s. Many column inches have been devoted to commenting on the ethics (or lack of) associated with unauthorized music file-sharing online, and the plights of musicians and music companies as such activities have evolved and spread. The ongoing persistence and topicality of such debates is perhaps best illustrated by the recent levels of coverage given to, and controversy generated by such subjects as the âEmilyâ case2 or the proposed monitoring of network users activities by internet service in the United States in a move aimed at combating online âpiracyâ.3 Such debates around the seemingly existential threats new digital technological innovations (and their uses and misuses) hold for the music industry have been common since the mid-to-late 1990s when unauthorized sharing of music became common on US university campus networks.
Popular music forms the basis of a major international industry that, as Patrik Wikström notes, possesses a nature that is âas chaotic and unpredictable as any other complex dynamic systemâ (2009: 170). The final decades of the twentieth century saw the music industry (itself a core constituent element of the broader media and cultural industries) significantly increase its importance in economic and employment terms. Since the mid-to-late 1990s, innovations in the realm of digital media technologies have evolved to threaten the medium-to-long-term viability of the record industry â the music industryâs most important economic sector over many decades. The unauthorized use of copyrighted material is undermining the record industryâs ability to make money and has produced a âcrisisâ for a sector that had grown exponentially on the back of the CD-boom. Equally, the record industry has been contending with the challenge of moving from physical to digital formats. Moreover, if this is the âmomentâ to strike for independence and for musicians to rid themselves of corporate intermediaries and gatekeepers (as Napier-Bell celebrates), then the established music industry âactorsâ are indeed navigating turbulent waters.
The music industry, as we shall see, is much more than the record industry. As a whole, it has proved itself to be resilient and innovative in responding to the challenges of digitalization. This book is primarily concerned with examining and understanding how the music industry has negotiated the digital coalface. In the chapters that follow we will consider some of the key problems and challenges facing the music industry since the turn of the millennium, and some of the core response strategies of the industry over that period. We will consider what has changed and what has stayed the same. Ultimately we will seek to draw some conclusions regarding the form and extent of disruption that the âdigital revolutionâ (which is feted and feared in equal measure) has visited upon this cultural industry sector.
Musical dystopia
Since the late 1990s, a few core themes have grown to dominate much commentary and discussion on the music industry. First there is the marked decline in the value of record sales that has raised questions around the long-term viability of the music industry, with online âpiracyâ seen as the primary factor in this contraction. Also, for the established music labels, the transition to a digital environment has brought with it several problems regarding how they can monetize their content. Besides the issue of piracy, the shift to digital has not been without its setbacks as record companies have sought new revenue streams and new means of distribution in a less than surefooted manner. Against this backdrop, the concept of an industry in crisis has taken hold.
âCrisisâ is a concept that has become embedded in discourse around the music industry since the late 1990s. For example:
Sarkozyâs much publicized comments were delivered in the wake of an agreement struck between French internet service providers (ISPs), the French government and movie and music companies aimed at curbing unauthorized file-sharing on the internet. Subsequently, Paul McGuinness (the manager of U2) did little to modify Sarkozyâs picture of an impending digital Armageddon:
In the same speech, McGuinness appealed to governments around the world to force ISPs to be proactive in combating online copyright infringement.
Much commentary and analysis of the music industry in the mainstream press has also centred around such crisis rhetoric in recent years. Arguing that the internet has resulted in the evolution of an âeverything is free cultureâ, Willie Kavanagh, (MD of EMI Ireland and chairman of the Irish Recorded Music Association [IRMA]) writes that it is âimpossible for any business to compete with freeâ (The Irish Times, 8 August 2010: 14). Media and journalistic accounts detailing the decline of the music industry have remained commonplace in news stories, features and opinion columns. For example, âPiracy continues to cripple the music industryâ (The Guardian, Thursday, 21 January 2010); âThe music industry . . . knee deep in a downloading crisisâ (The Sunday Business Post, 6 April 2008); âDownloads keep going up . . . Music giants lose fortune in 1.2bn song theftsâ (The Times, 17 December 2010); âIndustry crisis as album sales dropâ (The Irish Independent, 14 January 2008); and âMusic industry in a flat spinâ (The Sunday Times, 27 January 2008). Internationally, such commentary is replicated: âMusic labels feel the music pirating painâ (Sydney Morning Herald, 21 November 2011); The âscourge of the illegal copying and downloading of music from the internetâ represents âa competition monster for music retailers and distributorsâ (Africa News, 12 October 2011); âNo cure for piracy since the day the music started dyingâ (The Australian, 12 September 2011); The âillegal downloading of music and videos . . . [is] a problem that robs billion from music and movie businessesâ (New York Times, Sunday, 17 July 2011: 11); âWant a snapshot of an industry in crisis? Take a look at the music business right nowâ (Globe and Mail, 31 January 2008).
Overall, these notions of change have become common-sense assumptions in much discourse surrounding the recent evolution of the music industry. But such reporting is nothing new. In 2003 the Financial Times reported how the downturn in record sales revenues experienced by the Universal Music Group âunderlined the severity of the crisis facing the worldâs biggest record companies . . . a crisis created by the combination of stagnant sales, internet theft and rampant piracyâ (The Financial Times, 17 June 2003). Even technology periodicals enthusiastically joined the choir. For example, Wired magazine declared 2003 as âthe year the music diesâ (Mann, 2003).
Furthermore, in 2002 Britney Spears, Eminem and Luciano Pavorotti headed a coalition of 90 recording artists and songwriters that placed full-page advertisements in The New York Times and Los Angeles Times condemning the practice of internet downloading on the grounds that it threatened their careers. In the ad, the Dixie Chicks are quoted as saying: âIt may seem innocent enough, but every time you illegally download music, a songwriter doesnât get paidâ (The Associated Press & Wire, 26 September 2002). Subsequently, established international artists such as Metallica and The Corrs have appeared on main evening news bulletins denouncing the use of peer-to-peer file-sharing services and claiming the future of the industry that enables them to pursue their artistic endeavours is under threat, as are their livelihoods and the conditions that facilitate musical creativity and the production of music recordings. Summer 2009 saw English pop singer Lily Allen, supported by counterparts James Blunt and Gary Barlow launch a blog campaigning against internet music âpiracyâ (idontwanttochangetheworld.blogspot.com). Soundings from industry seminars and trade fairs have consistently echoed similar sentiments.
Perhaps the overall scenario of doom and gloom that has grown to characterize the music industry is most vividly stated by Irish Times journalist Conor Pope who asks:
Popeâs language is stark and strident. The terms he employs (âupheavals wroughtâ, ârevolutionâ, âprofoundâ, âdestroying . . . an entire industryâ) imply the most radical disruption to the existing order.
In short, the very existence of a recorded music industry in the short-to medium-term future is commonly perceived as hanging in the balance with artists, record companies and retailers all facing the prospect of economic destruction. Media commentary and analyses critiquing these accounts of crisis and the extent of the claims made by the music industry regarding its collapse have been extremely rare, although not unheard of. For example, âThe big question: Is the crisis facing the music industry as bad as the big record labels claim?â (The Independent, 14 February 2007).
Beyond the perceived effects of online copyright infringement on music industry revenue streams, other media accounts point to internet platforms as effectively rendering obsolete the artist and repertoire (A&R) and marketing and promotion functions traditionally associated with major music companies. Sites such as Bandcamp, ReverbNation, MySpace and Soundcloud have all evolved as platforms for the promotion of artists and recordings. Aside from cyberspaces such as these and other âmass-userâ sites like Facebook and YouTube, a wave of other ânicheâ music social networking sites are increasingly regarded as rendering redundant the machinery of the major media corporation in mediating the relationship between artist and music end-user. As Irish Times columnist Brian Boyd tells us, musicâs âdigital revolution isnât discriminatoryâ with music journalists the latest casualties of technological innovation (The Irish Times, Friday, 4 February 2011: 32). In this account, Boyd outlines how he perceives the role of the professional music critic being diminished and replaced by online social networks. Technology, he argues, has made music journalism âredundantâ. For Boyd, music journalists are left âclinging to the wreckage . . . playing catch-up with a technological revolutionâ in an environment where music enthusiasts increasingly rely on each other for recommendations and reviews (ibid.).
Musical utopia
The promise and potential of the internet to destroy pre-existing industrial structures and transfer power into the hands of the individual has been soundly celebrated. The transformative hype surrounding digital technologies is perhaps best exemplified by Nicholas Negroponte, one of the founders of the MIT Media Lab and a celebrated guru of the information age. For Negroponte, social and economic structures would be revolutionized by digital technological innovations. Writing in high-tech publication Wired.com in February 1995, he argued that transfer to digital would lead copyright to âdisintegrateâ, with everything that was capable of being digitized being potentially âup for grabsâ. If Negroponteâs claims were to be realized, then such developments would hold serious ramifications for the music industry as we know it. In such an environment, traditional power structures could potentially collapse. But with the demise of the major labels would come the promise of liberation for artists. Kevin Kelly, the associate editor of Wired magazine, argued that:
While digital technologies would serve to dismantle the power of the major record companies, Kelly equally points to those same technologies empowering individual recording artists to act independently like never before. In the evolving digital world, those âmusicians with the highest status are those who have a 24-hour net channel devoted to streaming their musicâ (ibid.).
Equally, while Boyd (2011) laments the role of online social networks in heralding the demise of music journalism, other accounts point more positively to such developments. For example, David Haynes, the founder of Soundcloud (a music-based social networking site) states that:
In the same article, journalist Alexandra Topping points to such online platforms transferring power into the hands of music fans regarding the discovery of new music.
The purpose and structure of this book
The sum of the above accounts is that the music industry is experiencing radical upheaval in the wake of the digital âre...