Youth and Political Violence in India

A Social Psychological Account of Conflict Experiences from the Kashmir Valley

Sramana Majumdar

• Publisher: Routledge India
• Year: 2019
• eBook ISBN: 9781000699869
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Asian Politics
• Index: Politics & International Relations

This book offers a socio-cultural and interdisciplinary understanding of the impact of political violence on youth behaviour. Drawing on extensive fieldwork in the Kashmir valley and reports from conflict areas across the globe, the volume brings to focus the ways in which violence affects social and psychological dynamics within the individual and the community. It develops a social–psychological approach to the study of youth and violent conflict in South Asia and offers new insights into the intricacies within the discourse, Focussing on the emotions and behaviour of people in large-scale conflict, it expands the discourse on the psychological dimensions of hope, aggression, emotion regulation the extremist mindset and policy and intervention for peace building.

Moving beyond western psychiatric models, this book proposes a more culturally and historically rooted analysis that focuses on collective experiences of violence to de-colonise psychological science and expand the understanding of youth's experiences with political violence. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics, psychology, peace and conflict studies, sociology and social anthropology.

1

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACH TO THE UNDERSTANDING OF CONFLICT

Conflict is a ubiquitous social phenomenon that manifests in various forms, ranging from the interpersonal to conflict within families and small social groups, like kin and neighbourhood, to larger occurrences, like war and regional insurgency. The essential and omnipresent nature of conflict is well described by Berkovitch, Kremenyuk, and Zartman (2009, p. 3), who view it as “an inherent feature of human existence, even useful on certain occasions”. According to the authors, conflict is located at the “very heart of all human societies”, making it a widely explored topic that has intrigued thinkers for generations.

When we talk about conflict, it usually refers to opposing stands represented by two or more people or groups. However, conflict may sometimes be between opposing ideas or thoughts of the same person—for instance in a situation that involves taking a stand about an issue or making a decision between conflicting choices. The focus of this book and the research study it describes is on ‘social conflict’ and more specifically intergroup conflict. Social conflict is the confrontation of social powers (Rummel, 1976), implying the involvement of more than one person and thus distinct from conflict with or within one self. Tajfel and Turner (1979) differentiate between interpersonal and intergroup behaviour, where interpersonal behaviour is determined by the personal relationships between two individuals and not at all influenced by the social group to which they belong to, whereas intergroup behaviour is completely shaped by group norms and not dependent on the inter-individual relationships. The authors, however, emphasize that in reality social behaviour cannot be segregated along these strict and pure lines as most individuals interact closely with their social environments, merging the lines between the two categories. Rummel (1976) categorizes the manifestations of social conflicts into:

1. Conflict of congruent interests—where both parties want the same thing: for instance when two nations lay claim to a particular piece of land;
2. Conflict of inverse interests—where one party wants the thing that the other party does not: for instance when one group wants a certain law to be passed which is not desired by another group, who may view the legislation as detrimental to their interests. For example, the movement for civil rights in America; and
3. Conflict of incompatible interests—where one party wants something that is incompatible with the demands of the other party: for instance when minorities in a state have different interests and might align themselves with ideologies that are incompatible with those of the majority.

Social relationships involve conflict at all levels. However, that does not imply that every form of conflict is destructive or incompatible. Forgas, Kruglanski, and Williams (2011) point out that human communities show a great capacity for coordination, empathy and altruism, which ensures that most people live their entire lives without experiencing any form of serious social conflict or violence. There are also instances when competition and conflict is constructive, and many such conflicting situations reach amicable resolutions in our daily lives (Deutsch, 2006a). It is only when peaceful resolution is not possible, and the conflict escalates into a situation where “the parties work to control each other in adversarial and antagonistic ways” that a condition of “destructive conflict” might appear (Fisher, 2006). The author points out that in a social context, factors that lead to intergroup conflict are usually not “misrepresentations or misunderstandings” but involve real situations of “differences in social power, access to resources, important life values or other significant incompatibilities” (p. 177). Yet, if many such hierarchies of power and need discrepancies exist, then why is it that all social interactions do not end up in destructive conflict? The answer is in the fact that any situation ultimately depends on the way the individual or group perceives it and their actions and reactions based on those perceptions. It is only when an existing condition of social inequality manifests through situational and subjective processes that incompatibles interests or needs will become prominent and escalate into a non-compromising situation of conflict. Thus, social conflicts involve the interplay of historical power differentials, privilege, perceived threat and accompanying situational factors that enhance the need for change or aggressive action.

Fisher (1990, 2006) classifies intergroup conflict based on source and location. The first typology includes conflicts that are value based (differences in ideologies and value systems), economic (differences in allocation and access to resources), needs based (where certain groups are unable to realize or achieve the gratification of basic needs, like security, identity and so on) and power conflicts (where groups attempt to assert power over others). Based on location, intergroup conflicts can be organizational (between different ranks: for instance manager and subordinates), communal (conflicts based on ethnicity, race or religion), societal (involving antagonistic relations between social classes, political elites or majority-minority) and international (between nations). Though the above classifications help in locating and placing the sources and dynamics of various intergroup conflicts that plague our world, in reality, as mentioned before, intergroup conflict is multilevel and, at a given point in time, exhibits characteristics of more than one of these categories.

More importantly, a significant number of intergroup and international conflicts that exist today are of an intractable nature, including the context that forms the locale for this book—The Kashmir Valley. This form of intergroup conflict, termed ‘protracted social conflict’ (Azar, 1983), involves a multiplicity of factors and conditions that create a web of ‘irresolvable issues’. Fisher (1990) describes such protracted conflicts as involving socio psychological aspects, like the non-gratification of needs; perceived threats to identity and security; and economic and material factors of militarization, poverty, unemployment and lack of political resources. Azar (1990) extends the discussion around the underlying causes of protracted social conflicts to include historical and political antecedents that further problematize such conflicts. Thus ‘colonial legacy’ and ‘multi-communalism’ are historical aspects of certain societies that make them more susceptible to conditions resulting in protracted conflict. Daniel Bar-Tal, an eminent social psychologist who has worked extensively on intractable conflicts, adds further to the aspects of violence, long duration, investment (both material and psychological) and irresolvable character of such conflicts to highlight that intractable large-scale conflicts tend to become a zero-sum game for the parties involved while also becoming essentially a central and continuous reality for these groups (Reykowski, 2015). The dispute over the land of Kashmir and the related violence that has lasted for more than three decades represents a similar situation of protracted social conflict, where historical and political disagreements have combined with social and psychological issues of identity, security, rights assertion and autonomy. The conflict is viewed as seemingly irreconcilable with repeated and periodic breakdowns into violence. The Kashmir conflict will be discussed in detail later on; now we return to the discussion on the nature of intergroup conflicts and list below some of the major theoretical perspectives that have guided the study and understanding of conflict.

Brief overview of relevant theories on conflict

In the last three centuries, conflict has been a fundamental area of study among many important schools of thought. Some of the major theories that have influenced conflict research are:

1. Marxism—The Marxian approach, developed by Marx and Engels in the late 19th century, views social conflict as a natural outcome of social inequalities that exist in society and necessitate the rise of the oppressed in the form of social change or revolution. While economic power differentials lie at the heart of any Marxian explanation, the theory extends to all sectors of society and includes social oppression as well. Critics question the absolute dependence on a class system that this theory adheres to and the belief that inequality and conflict can be eliminated if the institution of class is removed. In actuality, no society has been free of class, and the imagination of a classless society is considered utopic by many. Moreover, social differences and other mediums of dominance, like race, gender, community and religion, are sometimes more immediately associated with the emergence of conflict. However, a Marxian perspective can never be completely ignored because all forms of social differences are ultimately representative of class or lead to the occupation of specific class identities, thus involving an aspect of unequal access to resources common to most contexts of violent conflict. Conflicts may emerge from other differences between people, but most ultimately result in further polarization of classes and disproportionate suffering for those who are economically less privileged.
2. Structural-Functionalism—A structural functional approach that grew in America over the first half of the 20th century through the works of scholars like Parsons and Durkheim (Kingsbury & Scanzoni, 1993), views society as a self-regulating, functional organism that has the capacity to change and adjust to inputs from the external environment. The social system remains in a homeostatic state or state of equilibrium and order that is only disturbed when a radical change in the environment temporarily puts the system in disorder. Thus, social change is seen as inherent in the social system and is usually gradual and resolvable. This is seen as a state of conflict, which is, however, only temporary under this approach until the society “self regulates back to equilibrium or some sort of normative structure that individuals adhere to” (Conteh-Morgan, 2004, p. 52). This theoretical approach, though influential in social sciences, has been strongly criticized over time as elitist and partisan in explanation. The concept of social order has been widely questioned because in reality, societies are marked by inequalities of many forms and may only be functional for the elite or powerful. Moreover, protracted conflicts and similar cases of prolonged intense conflicts directly challenge the concept of self-regulation that is promulgated by this theory as they often last for several decades and show no signs of resolution that will ensure lasting peace and order.
3. Constructivism—Constructivist philosophy has impacted social knowledge and understanding in path-breaking ways as an opposition to positivism and modernism. In contrast to functionalism and developed through the work of scholars like Vygotsky, Piaget and others in the same era, this theory places the actor or agent in a primary place and propounds that any social situation or phenomenon depends on how the actor makes sense of it. The process of meaning making comprises norms, values and ideologies that are socially constructed and passed on through generations. Norms and values are subjected to change, and conflict may happen when such changes happen or when the social reality of one group clashes with the perceptions of another. The occurrence of conflict, like any other social phenomenon, will be determined by how individuals perceive, understand, relate to and make sense of their social realities. The most remarkable contribution of this school of thought to the understanding of conflict is the emphasis on how socially constructed meaning systems determine individual belief and action. The fact that group norms define how individuals perceive their environment has historically been a feature of ideology propagation in violent conflicts, with a particular socially constructed narrative marginalizing other versions of reality.
4. Feminism—Feminist theories that gained momentum after the movement for suffrage in America between 1910 and 1930 view society as a platform of patriarchal dominance and hegemonic power that can be understood more accurately only through the analysis of the needs and experiences of marginalized populations like women and other less powerful groups. It is primarily a critical theory that questions the main tenets of major theoretical perspectives by bringing to the forefront the realities of social inequality and the voices of subaltern actors. While the focus of analysis may be different for feminists, their perspective is of much significance considering that in modern conflicts civilians, and specifically women, are disproportionately affected. More contemporary feminist thinkers have focussed on armed military conflicts that are viewed as masculine spaces that propagate violence and make peaceful resolution difficult. Moreover, there is a growing recognition that conflict transformation and reconciliation needs to take into account the narratives of all parties involved in the conflict, including the marginalized and less visible actors (Majumdar & Khan, 2014).
   Other than the overarching schools of thought described above, there are a few theoretical views that have been more concretely put to the analysis on group-based conflict. These are:
5. Mass Society Theory—Kornhauser (1959) presented an interesting analysis of “Mass” society and the emergence of mass movements in the Politics of Mass Society. His analysis is heavily influenced by Western ideas of democracy and nationalism, and was developed based on observations of Nazi Germany and the rise of Communism in Russia. According to this view, mass movements attract alienated or atomized individuals, like marginalized businessmen, freelancing intellectuals, unattached workers who have little or no ties with the existing institutions of political power. “People cannot be mobilized against the established order until they first have been divorced from prevailing codes and relations” (Kornhauser, 1959, p. 123). The author believed that when “discontinuities in the social process” (p. 128) are followed by a sense of dissatisfaction among the masses, democratic or populist regimes can mobilize people to overthrow the existing system through a mass movement which is sometimes violent and rapid. The breakdown of class ties and the formation of mass ties which is seen in large-scale political and social movements around the world, in which participants from various socio-economic classes become involved, is an important aspect of this analysis. Political and economic disenfranchisement, and the rise of populist governments is a social occurrence that can be observed across the globe today. While violent extremist revolutions often happen on the backdrop of totalitarian regimes, where many individuals may feel alienated, protracted social conflicts in recent times have involved issues pertaining to identity, race, ethnicity, religion, territory and historical oppression of social institutions demanding an exit from a purely “class based” framework to more integrated and multidimensional theories. Additionally, there is significant evidence to counter the claim that the most socially isolated masses are drawn into conflict with repeated observations that pre-existing ties along multiple identity ascriptions determine participation in collective action of any kind (Buechler, 2013).
6. Collective Behaviour Theory (1962, 2011) is an extremely detailed and informative analysis of the constituents and causes of collective behaviour. The particular achievement here is the amalgamation of observations and inferences derived from a range of collective behaviours that have informed the structure of this theory. Smelser starts off with the components of social action (values, norms, organizational motivation and environmental resources or facilities) and moves on to describe elements of societal strain and conduciveness that are essential for any collective behaviour to happen. The pattern of combination between components and other elements of generalized beliefs, social conduciveness and existing strain in the system determines the nature and extent of collective behaviour. The resulting behaviour can range from panic, craze and hostile outbursts, based on the reconstitution of more short-term situational factors caused by hysteria, wish fulfilment and scapegoating, to more long-term reconstitution of existing norms and values. Most modern social conflicts seem to fall within the ambit of value oriented collective action where values, according to Smelser, may be religious, cultural, political or economic. Thus, when some form of social strain is experienced by populations, based on their religious or cultural belief, for instance, and alternate mediums of grievance expression are suppressed, including hostile outbursts, the spread of generalized beliefs based on those values results in social movements. An added observation here is that most cases of long-standing intense and violent conflicts may progress from an episode of hostile outburst to a value oriented collective movement, or vice versa, or have alternate phases of both.
7. Rational Choice Theory—A much debated and discussed theory that was popularized with the publication of Olson’s “The Logic of Collective Action” in 1965 views individual participation in collective behaviours like protests and violent conflicts as driven by rationality rather than emotions. Here, individuals do a careful, albeit subconscious, cost-benefit analysis of participating in any collective activity that is completely rational and propelled by motives of individual gratification. The motives that influence choice can be economic (wealth), socio-political (status, power) or even psychological (self-worth). Sometimes the avoidance of negative consequences, for instance the feeling of devaluation of self or regret, can also motivate participation, irrespective of whether the participant views his presence as decisive or not (Conteh-Morgan, 2004). There has been a body of work that specifically talks about the role of rational choice, based on the want and need of resources like money and power, in international conflicts, like the genocide in Rwanda (Jean, 2006). Considering the substantial loss of life, property and social utilities that is common in situations of intense conflict, the role of material and psychological resources as motivating factors in participation seems valid. Moreover research has time and again found a definite association between self-esteem and participation in violent activities (Scheff, Retzinger, & Ryan, 1989). However examples of participation in collective action like protests and marches as well as other philanthropic and altruistic behaviours where individuals invest and support issues that do not benefit them in any way can be seen as directly challenging the doctrine of rational choice. (Conteh-Morgan, 2004). These examples highlight the role of other cognitive (thoughts, perceptions and decisions) and affective (emotions) capacities that may be significant in contexts of collective behaviour and conflict.
8. Relative Deprivation Theory (1960s)—Like Rational Choice, the theory of relative deprivation also builds on the agency of the actors in a situation but from the standpoint of expectations, wants and perceived injustice. According to this school of thought, conflicts arise when groups feel that they have been deprived of something that they rightfully own, deserve or expect. It is relative because the perception of the lack of possession is always relative—to a point in time, another group or an imagined reality. Gurr in his book Why Men Rebel (1970, p. 13) defines relative deprivation as “a discrepancy between value expectations and value capabilities”. In all three types of relative deprivation—decremental, aspirational and progressive—there is a mismatch between wants and capabilities, either in terms of past and present (what we had and do not have any more but perceive ourselves as deserving of), at the same point in time (what we think we deserve or aspire to have but do not own) or in inverse relation (when we aspire to have more of and have less of). Gurr (1970) believed that most revolutions happen when a society experiences some amount of development and progress, and is then hit with sharp stagnancy or a fall. Additional elements of whether a society is accepting of violence and the normative structure supporting or challenging it, as well as channels of communication that are essential in the spread of information, propaganda, ideology, perceptions, material and ammunitions during a conflict, determine the chances of violence to occur. Interestingly, Gurr had emphasized that the sense of deprivation is perceived (closely associated with more contemporary ideas of perceived injustice) rather than factual, and the transition from deprivation induced frustration to mass mobilization and collective violence requires some form of politicization. The role of political ideology and political elites in contemporary mass movements, have become increasingly significant in the way that group-based differences are emphasized and reiterated through active campaigning and propaganda. Relative deprivation has been an influential school of thought that highlights the role of perception of differences and raised the question of who we compare ourselves to, when, under what circumstances and why. Themes of perceived injustice, threat, frustration, anger and humiliation that can arise out of feelings of deprivation have over the years become significant social psychological determinants of violent conflict.
9. Social Identity Theory—A celebrated school of thought that has markedly influenced the socio psychological study of intergroup conflict and our general understanding of intergroup behaviour is the social identity theory, pioneered...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication Page
• Table of Contents
• List of figures
• List of tables
• Acknowledgements
• Author’s note
• 1 Social psychological approach to the understanding of conflict
• 2 Re-examining exposure to violence: shifting the focus to collective violence
• 3 The conflict in the Kashmir Valley: youth, extremism and psychological consequences
• 4 Violence, emotions and their regulation
• 5 Conflict, aggression and gender: re-viewing established links
• 6 Violence, hope and optimism: can negative events have positive outcomes?
• 7 Beyond violence: conclusions and thoughts
• Bibliography
• Index